This article addresses the research problem of analysing the development of the EU Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) in the context of the ongoing war in Ukraine. It examines the extent to which Russia’s military actions against Ukraine, particularly those starting in 2022, have influenced EU and Member State decisions regarding the CSDP. To provide a more comprehensive analysis, this study also explores the evolution of the CSDP, focusing on its foundations and conditions both prior to the full-scale conflict and following Russia’s 2014 aggression in Crimea and Donbas. This broader perspective enables a thorough assessment of the scale and scope of CSDP reforms over time. The objective of this article is to examine the dependencies and impacts of the war in Ukraine on the development and evolution of the CSDP.
K. Zajączkowski, The war in Ukraine and the (Non-)Development of the EU Common Security and Defence Policy, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 22 (2024), z. 2, s. 7-36, DOI: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2024.2.1
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The aim of the article is to diagnose the diversity of political strategies among NATO eastern flank countries towards Russia. The author identifies three major approaches: counterbalancing, which may take the form of containment, accommodation, and hedging. By analysing official security strategies and governmental actions, the article demonstrates the differences between each approach and considers their final consequences. The structure is as follows: firstly, to understand the essence of each political strategy and to consider the consequences as categories of international politics. Secondly, the article illustrates each approach by specific cases: Poland’s counterbalancing, Hungary’s accommodation and Bulgaria’s hedging. The article concludes with the domestic and foreign conditions of these strategies, their costs, and their effectiveness.
T. Klin, Counterbalancing, accommodation, and hedging: NATO Eastern flank countries’ political strategies towards Russia, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 22 (2024), z. 2, s. 37-53, DOI: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2024.2.2
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Tekst koncentruje się na przywództwie politycznym kobiet wybranych na prezydentów państw bałtyckich. Dobór próby badawczej jest podyktowany położeniem geopolitycznym i wspólnym doświadczeniem historycznym, a także wyborem kobiet po 1991 r. na urząd prezydenta. Poszukiwano odpowiedzi na pytanie o styl sprawowania władzy i układanie relacji z państwami (USA, Chiny i Rosja), które próbowały w przeszłości i próbują obecnie wpływać na politykę w regionie.
E. Lesiewicz, A. Włodarska-Frykowska, B. Jundo-Kaliszewska, Leadership by women in power in the Baltic States and their role in policymaking, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 22 (2024), z. 3, s. 55-74, DOI: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2024.2.3
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The primary objective of the paper is to present threats and challenges to ensuring energy security in EU countries. Reflections on this topic were carried out using various definitions of the general concept of energy security, its determinants, and the key areas. The article is based on available studies containing analyses of energy security in EU countries against the background of its general concept described in different approaches. The study contains an analysis of different approaches to the issue of energy security with added value primarily in the presentation of the perspectives of energy security of the EU countries in the aspect of the current challenges arising from the geopolitical situation in Europe and the world, and in particular the consequences of economic crisis. In addition, attention was drawn to the characteristics of energy security as a public good. The publication presents the concept of energy security, with particular emphasis on the issue of its provision in relation to EU countries. The results achieved made it possible to define its essential determinants and scope. In addition, fundamental challenges to the EU energy security policy and ways to overcome them were formulated.
J. Rosiek, Determinants and challenges of energy security in EU countries, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 22 (2024), z. 2, s. 75-93, DOI: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2024.2.4
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Rosyjska inwazja na pełną skalę na Ukrainę w 2022 r. doprowadziła do ponownej oceny systemu stosunków międzynarodowych przez różnych aktorów międzynarodowych, od Chin po Unię Europejską (UE). Dla UE ponowna ocena oznaczała m.in. zwiększenie priorytetu integracji unijnej państw Bałkanów Zachodnich. Jednym z warunków pełnej integracji UE Bałkanów Zachodnich jest normalizacja stosunków między Serbią a Kosowem.
The Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 led to a reassessment of the system of international relations by various international actors, from China to the European Union (EU). For the EU, the reassessment meant, inter alia, the increase in priority of the EU integration of the Western Balkan states. One of the prerequisites for the complete EU integration of the Western Balkans is the normalization of the relations between Serbia and Kosovo. The importance of such normalization is reminiscent of the significance of the establishment of relations between FRG and GDR, in particular the 1972 Basic Treaty for the security and stability in Europe at the time of the détente (the GDR model). Given the pragmatic but reserved approach used in the 1972 Treaty, it was not surprising that the Treaty provisions were used in drafting the Agreement on the path to normalization between Kosovo and Serbia. However, there are numerous crucial differences between the two situations, and a full understanding of such differences is critical for the implementation of the GDR model in the normalization of Serbia-Kosovo relations. In the article, some of the political, economic, religious, and legal factors differentiating the FRG-GDR situation from the Serbia-Kosovo situation are compared and analysed. Thus, the limitations of the GDR model will be determined as used for the Serbia-Kosovo normalization. Such determination will be useful in designing the future steps in the Serbia-Kosovo normalization.
D. Skrynka, Recognition of Kosovo: limitations of the GDR model, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 22 (2024), z. 2, s. 95-110, DOI: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2024.2.5
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The aim of this article is to recognise the extent to which research into Russian aggression against Ukraine has progressed using one school of international relations (IR) – ontological security. This approach is intended to refine the inference process in relation to the classical SM schools. The article draws on the first scholarly articles addressing the issue and critically evaluates them. Conclusions resulting from their critical reading allow pointing out the presence of a significant cognitive gap in relation to the analysed problem, prescribing to undertake empirical research on Russian autobiographical narratives of wartime using specialised interpretative tools.
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22. Stepanenko K., Kagan F.W., Bugayova N., Weakness is Lethal: Why Putin Invaded Ukraine and How the War Must End, Institute for the Study of War 1 October 2023, https://understandingwar.org/sites/default/files/Weakness%20is%20Lethal%20Why%20Putin%20Invaded%20Ukraine%20and%20How%20the%20War%20Must%20End%20PDF.pdf [8.04.2024].
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24. von Essen H., Danielson A., A Typology of Ontological Insecurity Mechanisms: Russia’s Military Engagement in Syria, “International Studies Review” 2023, vol. 25, no. 2, pp. 1–25.
The purpose of this article is to show the evolution of the Czech Republic’s economic diplomacy model from the systemic transformation in the 1990s to the present day. Using a case study and descriptive analysis method, the author analysed government documents shaping foreign policy and the state’s pro-export strategy. The economic conditions and the will of policymakers, who understood the need to take measures to support Czech exports and create an integrated system of economic diplomacy, were taken as the starting point for the considerations undertaken. In addition, it was necessary to find an answer to the question of the determinants that caused the modification of objectives and the introduction of a component of scientific diplomacy and development aid and led to measures for the territorial diversification of exports of goods and Czech investments towards non-European markets. The Czech Republic is the best-industrialised country in Central and Eastern Europe, a stable and open-to-the-world economy, focused on the markets of the European Union countries with ambitions to inspire technology and innovation in industry. Additional analysis of the research material, found on the websites and portals of state institutions and specialised agencies, allows us to conclude that the hallmark of the Czech model of economic diplomacy is its ability to respond quickly to crisis situations such as COVID-19 as well as its transparency, including in the sphere of spending funds, and its commendable use of digital diplomacy, including social media, to conduct outreach and promotional activities.
A. Szczepańska-Dudziak, “Czechia Team”. Economic diplomacy of the Czech Republic in the face of global challenges, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 22 (2024), z. 2, s. 129-145 DOI: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2024.2.7
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The aim of the article is to present the issue of the Three Seas Initiative and Poland’s role in Central Europe in the Russian academic and expert narrative. The research is based primarily on Russian scientific articles and expert publications in the Russian media – mainly on the Internet. The general conclusion from the conducted research is as follows: the Russian academic narrative, in its perception of the Three Seas Initiative, tries to notice various factors influencing the political situation and regional cooperation in Central Europe, treating Central European countries as entities initiating integration processes in the region. In turn, the Russian expert narrative is dominated by the view that this is a project implemented by the Anglo-Saxon countries, in which the decisive factor is the United States, which is interested in consolidating its geopolitical primacy in Central Europe and displacing Russian and Chinese economic and political influences from this area. Russian experts also point to Poland’s historically motivated, nostalgic ambitions to play a leadership and hegemonic role in the region and to strengthen, with the help of Washington and London, the position of the Central European region vis-àvis the continental powers of Europe – Germany and France.
K. Świder, Poland’s role in the Three Seas Initiative: perspectives from Russian academia and experts, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 22 (2024), z. 2, s. 147-165 DOI: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2024.2.8
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The goal of the article is to answer the question of why the United States and Poland developed a strategic partnership in the gas sector in 2017– 2020. This analysis is based on a systematic review of primary and secondary sources. The primary empirical materials consist of three groups: 1) documents published by the US administration and the Polish government; 2) speeches, official statements, and media interviews by politicians, officials, and business people from both countries; and 3) information published by companies engaged in gas relations between the United States and Poland. The secondary sources include statistical data and analyses from the Energy Information Administration (EIA), the International Energy Agency (IEA), and the Statistical Review published by the Energy Institute. The article sets out four arguments: 1) The development of the strategic partnership between the two countries in the energy sector was made possible by the shale revolution in the United States. 2) The United States pursued strategic and economic goals in promoting LNG exports to Europe. 3) The United States and Poland accepted the view that the world was reverting to great power competition. 4) Both states rejected Russian energy dominance in Europe.
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Security, in both the national and international dimensions, evolves rapidly, with constant emerging threats and challenges. A noteworthy aspect gaining significance in the realm of international security architecture is the increasing necessity for states to enhance their resilience. This involves developing conditions, resources, and strategies to adapt to new, varied, and unexpected conditions in both physical and cyberspace realities. A new quality of the security environment and the threats it generates obliges us to look for solutions that increase the security of the state. One of the ways to strengthen Polish security relates to border protection, so the concept of strengthening the Polish eastern border has become an impetus for scientific reflection on the national deterrence and defence program Tarcza Wschód. The Central and Eastern European region and individual countries within it are focusing efforts to increase resilience and security, therefore, this article is an attempt to analyse the role and tasks of the new mechanism in increasing the military security of the state.
A. Zyguła, B. Piskorska, East Shield – a mechanism for strengthening the security and resilience of Central and Eastern European countries using the example of Poland’s eastern border, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 22 (2024), z. 2, s. 183-197 DOI: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2024.2.10
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