The article analyses the dynamics of multilingualism in Senegal in a postcolonial context, with particular emphasis on the teaching of Slavic languages, especially Russian and Polish. It highlights that language policy in Senegal is shaped not only by local communicative needs but also by global power relations, diplomacy, and political strategies. The text underscores the growing role of the Russian language in Senegal’s educational system, supported by institutions and scholarships. Russian is taught at Cheikh Anta Diop University (UCAD) and in many secondary schools, where it is gaining popularity and is often associated with narratives of Russia’s strength and independence. Against this background, the text examines the place of Polish as a foreign language, which is taught as a supplementary subject with limited institutional support, maintained mainly by individual lecturers, informal networks, and the small Polish diaspora. Methodologically, the study is based on ethnographic fieldwork, participant observation, and interviews with students, teachers, and members of the diaspora in Dakar. The asymmetric position of Russian and Polish in Senegal’s educational system demonstrates that languages function as resources of power and as spaces for the development of various forms of politicality. Collapse

Pavlo Shandruk was undoubtedly a controversial figure. His activities in the final phase of the World War II continue to cause controversy, especially his takeover of the Ukrainian National Army in the spring of 1945. In September 1939, he fought as a contract officer in the Polish Army with the rank of certified lieutenant colonel, for which he was awarded Poland’s highest military order after the war. The aim of this article is to resolve the question of which specific act during the 1939 campaign earned Pavlo Shandruk the Silver Cross, 5th class, of the War Order of Virtuti Militari from the Polish President-in-exile. In addition, the article discusses the course of the officer’ service in September 1939, especially in the context of the so-called second battle of Tomaszów Lubelski, and clarifies inaccuracies associated with it. Collapse

Despite the formal liquidation of the Greek Catholic Church by the communist authorities in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic after the end of the World War II, the institution continued to be perceived by decision-makers as a significant ideological threat. Of particular concern to the authorities was its impact on the population of western Ukraine, which had demonstrated resistance to Marxist indoctrination. Consequently, a multifaceted propaganda campaign was waged against the Greek Catholic Church, in which historical publications, published in large circulations, played a significant role. These books, often employing an attractive, narrative format, aimed to devalue the authority of the Church and its leaders by portraying them as traitors who adhered to nazi/fascist ideology and as manipulators who exploited religious elements for instrumental purposes. The article analyses the themes present in the above-mentioned books concerning phenomena regarded as miraculous, such as the appearance of stigmata, prophecies, or the discovery of the tsar’s missing child, and their alleged use to by the Church hierarchs to pursue their own ambitions and institutional goals, primarily Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky. Collapse

Spór wokół „litwinizmu” staje się coraz bardziej odczuwalny w relacjach litewsko- -białoruskich. Artykuł sięga do źródeł tego konfliktu, analizując wpływowe narracje historyczne dotyczące Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego. W badaniu wykorzystano szerokie spektrum materiałów, w tym publikacje akademickie, podręczniki, artykuły z Wikipedii oraz materiały z YouTube – zarówno po stronie białoruskiej, jak i litewskiej. Zastosowana metodologia badawcza identyfikuje i systematycznie porównuje stanowiska w ośmiu kluczowych obszarach: strukturze politycznej WKL, jego charakterze etnicznym, roli elementu słowiańskiego i języka kancelaryjnego, charakterze ekspansji terytorialnej, kwestii założenia Wilna, interpretacji historycznych nazw Litwy oraz geograficznej lokalizacji historycznej Litwy. Analiza pokazuje, że Litwini i Białorusini mają głęboko zakorzenione, często rozbieżne wizje dziejów WKL. Punkty zbieżne są stosunkowo nieliczne, jednak oferują realną szansę na dialog i wypracowanie wspólnej płaszczyzny. Collapse

Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest refleksja nad Dictionnaire du poutinisme, opublikowanym w Paryżu w 2025 r. przez francuskiego badacza kultury rosyjskiej Michela Niqueux. Autor proponuje odczytanie tej publikacji jako pierwszej próby rekonstrukcji specyficznych narzędzi mentalnych (l’outillage mental) putinizmu, rozumianych w sensie zaproponowanym przez Luciena Febvre’a, jednego z klasyków francuskiej szkoły „Annales”. W tym ujęciu putinizm interpretowany jest jako swoista mentalność elity rządzącej, która zdołała skutecznie przenieść własny sposób widzenia świata na znaczną część społeczeństwa rosyjskiego. Doświadczenie traumatycznego rozpadu Związku Radzieckiego oraz wynikający z niego postsowiecki ressentiment stworzyły szczególnie sprzyjające warunki do internalizacji tego światopoglądu. Na tym tle rodzi się pytanie o konieczność systematycznych badań nad l’outillage mental wykorzystywanym i instrumentalizowanym przez nosicieli wspomnianej formacji mentalnej. Artykuł wskazuje podstawowe założenia metodologiczne oraz możliwe orientacje badawcze, które mogłyby stanowić punkt wyjścia do szerszego projektu naukowego, roboczo zatytułowanego „L’outillage mental putinizmu”. Collapse

The article focuses on the analysis of the correspondence of Marquis of Almodóvar (1727–1794), a Spanish Enlightenment diplomat, written during his diplomatic mission to Russia (1761–1763) at the courts of Empress Elizabeth I, Peter III, and Catherine II. These documents constitute a valuable historical source, offering insight into the workings of the Russian court, its ceremonial practices, networks of political influence, and the challenges arising from the empire’s internal instability. Almodóvar’s correspondence provides important information on the international situation at a crucial stage of the Seven Years’ War, relations between the European powers, and the image of Russia within the political and intellectual circles of Spain. Collapse

The article attempts to define the dissident movement in the USSR. After 1956, numerous opposition and protest groups existed within the Soviet Union; however, not all opponents of the Soviet system can be described as dissidents. The essential characteristic of the dissident movement was its apolitical nature. Dissidents did not seek to seize power, nor did they set themselves explicit goals other than one: compelling the authorities to respect human rights. They did not speak on behalf of any specific ethnic, national, social, or professional group. The dissident milieu did not construct organisational structures or networks; it had neither leaders issuing commands nor followers executing them. Any hierarchy that emerged rested solely on personal moral authority, never on rank or title. The article draws upon essays written by the most significant figures of the dissident movement, their theoretical reflections and memoirs, and their attempts to evaluate their own past activities. Collapse

The article attempts to define the dissident movement in the USSR. After 1956, numerous opposition and protest groups existed within the Soviet Union; however, not all opponents of the Soviet system can be described as dissidents. The essential characteristic of the dissident movement was its apolitical nature. Dissidents did not seek to seize power, nor did they set themselves explicit goals other than one: compelling the authorities to respect human rights. They did not speak on behalf of any specific ethnic, national, social, or professional group. The dissident milieu did not construct organisational structures or networks; it had neither leaders issuing commands nor followers executing them. Any hierarchy that emerged rested solely on personal moral authority, never on rank or title. The article draws upon essays written by the most significant figures of the dissident movement, their theoretical reflections and memoirs, and their attempts to evaluate their own past activities. Collapse