The Baltic Sea Region: States, Societies, and Future Development

Issue editor: Aleksandra Kuczyńska-Zonik, Peteris F. Timofejevs

ISSN: 1732-1395

e-ISSN: 2719-2911

Number of pages: 289

Publisher: Instytut Europy Środkowej

Edition: Lublin 2021

DOI: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2021.3

Articles

Article

The integrative potential of science and research cooperation for suturing the Baltic Sea Region in the 21st century

Views count: 964
Celem artykułu jest wskazanie na współpracę naukowo-badawczą jako sposób reintegracji regionu bałtyckiego w XXI wieku z udziałemRosji. Dokonane zostaje to przez analizę tekstów dokumentów i strategii regionalizmubałtyckiego w kontekście regionalnego reżimu wiedzy. Zwróconazostaje uwaga na różną pozycjonalność aktorów regionalnych i wytwarzanychprzez nich narracji. Teoretyczną osnowę pracy stanowi analiza teoriizwrotów krytycznych (critical junctures) w kontekście studiów przypadkówz lat 1989-91 i 2014 oraz następujących po nich rekonfiguracji relacji władzyi wiedzy. Analiza wykazuje, że przyczyniają się one aktywnie do tworzeniai zmieniania treści i kontekstu regionalizmu bałtyckiego w oparciu o nowekapitały symboliczne, ekonomiczne i polityczne. W konkluzji artykuł wskazuje na potencjał wynikający z włączenia Rosji do współtworzenia regionalnegoreżimu wiedzy oraz określa warunki i sposoby możliwej współpracy.
K. Musiał, The integrative potential of science and research cooperation for suturing the Baltic Sea Region in the 21st century, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 19(2021), z. 3, s. 9-32, doi: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2021.3.1.

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Article

Is Russia a “good CBSS citizen”?

Views count: 979
This study examines Russia’s policies towards and within the Councilof the Baltic Sea States in the aftermath of the Ukrainian and other internationalcrises. More specifically, this paper analyses Russia’s interest in andexpectations from the CBSS, as well as Moscow’s institutional behaviour in theCouncil. The CBSS is viewed by Russia as both a centrepiece and cornerstoneof the regional governance system. Moscow also sees the CBSS as an importanttool for overcoming the politico-diplomatic isolation where Russia founditself with the start of the Ukrainian crisis. With the help of the CBSS, it retainsits ability to influence socioeconomic, political, environmental, and humanitariandevelopments in the Baltic Sea region. Russia supported the Council’sthree long-term priority areas: a regional identity, a sustainable and prosperousregion, and a safe and secure region. Russia favoured further the Council’sinstitutionalization and strengthening of its role in the regional governancesystem. Despite the fact that Russia’s relations with other CBSS member-statesremain tense and that Moscow does not always manage to use the Councilto promote its interests in the region, the CBSS is still seen by Russia as animportant platform for regional cooperation.
A. Sergunin, Is Russia a “good CBSS citizen”?, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 19(2021), z. 3, s. 33-56, doi: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2021.3.2.

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Article

Urban climate policy and the Nordic potential for carbon neutrality – the case study of city of Helsinki

Views count: 899
The aim of this article is to discuss urban climate policies, with a special focus on Helsinki, the fast growing capital of Finland. The preconditionfor the study is that metropolitan areas in Finland hold a central place fornational climate policies due to their population and economic impact. Thecase study proves that the city, which had disadvantageous conditions for climatesolutions in the early 90’s, has successfully remodelled its approach andpresently joins the group of world cities declaring carbon neutrality in comingyears. The change was possible due to a favourable political climate, a multistakeholderand inclusive approach, public involvement, and the correlationbetween public and private initiatives. The study is based on statistical data,institutional analysis, and a comparison of the strategic documents of the cityof Helsinki in the area of climate planning.
K. Dośpiał-Borysiak, Urban climate policy and the Nordic potential for carbon neutrality – the case study of city of Helsinki, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 19(2021), z. 3, s. 57-76, doi: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2021.3.3.

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Article

Evaluation of the Investment Development Path concept in selected Baltic Sea Region states: Where are we?

Views count: 901
In the European Union (EU), there are four Baltic Sea Region (BSR)states – Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland – which are interlinked by thefollowing facts: the common moment of obtaining EU membership, a commonhistorical path from communism to democracy, and being part of theBSR. Although the selected countries share common roots, it seems that, interms of the economic development, they may follow a different path. Investmentdevelopment path (IDP), a concept developed by J.H. Dunning, stressesthat the development of a country is a result of being an active exporter ofcapital. This paper aims to evaluate the progress of the four selected economiesin terms of their IDP. The analysis takes into consideration their peculiareconomic determinants. The methods used include quantitative and qualitativemethods. Among the qualitative methods, a literature review brieflypresents Dunning’s IDP paradigm. The review of existing empirical researchhighlights the contributions of the paper. The quantitative methods cover thestatistical data illustrating the progress of the selected countries in terms ofthe IDP. The data were obtained from United Nations Conference on Tradeand Development (UNCTADStat) and Eurostat. The BSR states under investigationdiffer in terms of their economic growth. However, they share a commondenominator of maintaining the role of importer of capital. The highestdynamics of the growth of the outward stock of Foreign Direct Investment(FDI) was observed in Poland and Lithuania. It is Poland and Estonia, however,that seemingly will climb on the ladder of IDP faster than Latvia and Lithuania.In all cases, these countries deal with higher dynamics of annual growthof Outward Foreign Direct Investment (OFDI) than Inward Foreign Direct Investment(IFDI), which suggests that all are at the third stage of IDI. However,
A. Borowicz, Evaluation of the Investment Development Path concept in selected Baltic Sea Region states: Where are we?, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 19(2021), z. 3, s. 77-100, doi: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2021.3.4.

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Article

Youth policy in the Baltic Sea Region – a case study of Lithuanian, Latvian, Estonian, and Polish youth participation in the BSSSC Working Group on Youth Policy

Views count: 1051
Youth policy, understood as youth activity and policy for youth,has been developing in the Baltic Sea region for many years. It takes placeon many levels of Baltic cooperation; therefore, this article uses the theory ofmulti-level governance for the analysis. There are some differences in youthpolicy between the communities of the Baltic Sea Region countries. This articleaims to analyse the participation of young people from the regions ofLithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Estonia in the BSR youth policy, based on theexample of the Youth Working Group of the “Baltic Sea States SubregionalCo-operation”. The main part of the article is an analysis of interviews withyouth coordinators of “Baltic Sea States Subregional Co-operation” from selectedcountries. During the study, 5 interviews were conducted, and, thanksto these interviews, the author has made interesting observations on the differencesin involvement of young people from Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, andPoland. They indicated, inter alia, disproportional access to participation in thework of the Youth Working Group “Baltic Sea States Subregional Co-operation”between Estonia and Poland, and Lithuania and Latvia. The results clearlyshow that young people from Polish regions have the greatest opportunitiesto shape youth policy in the Baltic Sea Region.
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Article

Deadlock or new opening? Current state and prospects for development of Lithuanian-Belarusian relations

Views count: 912
The purpose of this article is to discuss the trajectory of Belarusian-Lithuanian relations with a particular focus on the period after the 2020 Belarusian presidential election, which resulted in a change in international relations in the region. This was the moment that redefined the Lithuanian-Belarusian relations, which until 2020 were satisfactory for both sides (especially in the economic aspect). However, Lithuania began to pursue a reactive policy of promoting the democratisation of Belarus and provided multi-level support to Belarusian opposition forces. The current problems in bilateral relations (e.g., the future of Belarusian Nuclear Power Plant located in Astravyets) have been put on the agenda for discussion at the EU level, while the instruments of a hybrid conflict in the form of an influx of immigrants into Lithuania, controlled by the Belarusian regime, have become a key issue for the future prospects of relations between Belarus and Lithuania.
J. Olędzka, Deadlock or new opening? Current state and prospects for development of Lithuanian-Belarusian relations, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 19(2021), z. 3, s. 121-141, doi: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2021.3.6.

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Article

The challenge of Populist Radical Right Parties to Europeanization – the cases of Estonia and Latvia, 2018-2021

Views count: 973
Over the last two decades, family law has undergone changes in Western Europe, widening the definition of marriage to include same-sex couples. In addition, some East European countries offer a legal recognition of civil unions of same-sex couples, while others do not offer any legal recognition at all. This diversity in family law has been recently challenged by developments at the European level. It is argued here that this constitutes an adaptational pressure on those European Union (EU) member states that do not offer any or offer only formal recognition of same-sex couples. We examine two cases when member states faced such an adaptational pressure, namely Estonia and Latvia, focusing on the interplay of two types of factors. First is that of formal institutions which, due to their constitutional role or their expertise in the EU law, may act as facilitators of legal changes. On the other hand, there are also political actors which have tried to constrain such an adaptation. We examine here especially the role of two political parties which have made a considerable effort to oppose the change in the two countries. It is argued here that the ideological orientation of these parties explains, at least partly, their opposition to the ongoing Europeanization of family law. The paper concludes with a discussion of the main findings and their implications.
P.F. Timofejevs, A. Kuczyńska-Zonik, The challenge of Populist Radical Right Parties to Europeanization – the cases of Estonia and Latvia, 2018-2021, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 19(2021), z. 3, s. 143-175, doi: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2021.3.7.

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Article

National and ethnic minorities and the image of the state in international public relations: a comparative study of Lithuania and Estonia

Views count: 998
The article analyses the current situation in Estonia and Lithuania in the context of the position of both states and their public relations strategy and image since 1991, as well as the role of national minorities in this process. The authors emphasize that even though Estonia and Lithuania tend to be treated as very similar state organisms, they chose different ways of building their legal and democratic structures. Despite many similarities between the two states, such as location, size, small population, common historical background and, above all, ethnic divisions, one should pay attention to successful attempts to strengthen the statehood of Estonia and Lithuania.
B. Jundo-Kaliszewska, A. Włodarska-Frykowska, National and ethnic minorities and the image of the state in international public relations: a comparative study of Lithuania and Estonia, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 19(2021), z. 3, s. 177-203, doi: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2021.3.8.

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Article

The policy of the Polish authorities towards national and ethnic minorities after 1989

Views count: 880
The aim of this article is to analyse the Polish authorities’ policy towards national and ethnic minorities after 1989, after the collapse of real socialism in Poland. The author gives an overview of the historical and sociopolitical situation of these minorities in Poland. The main point of consideration is the position and functioning of national and ethnic minorities on the basis of law, their political activity in parliamentary and local elections, as well as the attitude of leading Polish political parties towards the issues of national and ethnic minorities. National and ethnic minorities are, by definition, less numerous than the rest of the Polish population, but remain Polish citizens and at the same time are aware of their historical community. The article uses the following methods: descriptive and institutional-legal.
A. Bąk-Pitucha, The policy of the Polish authorities towards national and ethnic minorities after 1989, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 19(2021), z. 3, s. 205-229, doi: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2021.3.9.

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Article

Historical issues in Polish-Russian relations within the period of 1989 to 2007

Views count: 927
The article focuses on the issue of the influence of the historical conditions on the Polish-Russian relations at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries. The history of these two countries is linked by a long-lasting and difficult past, and thus numerous unresolved disputes, burdens, and myths arose that have been felt to this day. In 1989, after the fall of the Communist system in our country, new political elites managing the process of democratic changes in the Third Polish Republic made efforts that aimed at settling disputed threads from the common Polish-Russian history. On the way to making up for the past, the period between 1989 and 2007 was marked by a number of important events that could be seen as the symbol of the common reconciliation. Unfortunately, there were also moments of regression and deep crisis that negatively affected the cooperation of both countries in the matter of dealing with difficult cards of the common history. This was influenced by a different approach to the past that is understood differently in Poland and in Russia and that contributed to the emergence of numerous misunderstandings, as well as to the mutual accusations in this field.
K. Słowiński, Historical issues in Polish-Russian relations within the period of 1989 to 2007, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 19(2021), z. 3, s. 231-255, doi: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2021.3.10.

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Article

Politics of memory in Ukraine. A case study on the commemoration of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky

Views count: 1046
The aim of the paper is to scrutinize activities related to the commemoration of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky. There were three main goals of the research. The first one was to identify the most important actors of the commemorative activities. The second goal was to reconstruct the strategies applied by these agents. Thirdly, this research aimed to consider current processes in the Ukrainian political system. In particular, the question was what we can know about the evolution of these commemorative activities after the Euromaidan based on relations between different agents in the mnemonic field. Special emphasis was placed on Sheptytsky’s attitude during the Holocaust and on the impact of this topic on the commemorative activities. As a theoretical framework of the research, Jan Kubik and Michael Bernhard’s theory of the politics of memory was applied. The research enabled verification of some elements of Kubik and Bernhard’s concept. Inter alia it was an issue of a set of presumptions regarding interrelations between strategies applied by mnemonic actors, the structure of mnemonic regime, and prospects for democratization of a political system.
M. Wawrzonek, O. Kropornicka, Politics of memory in Ukraine. A case study on the commemoration of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 19(2021), z. 3, s. 257-276, doi: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2021.3.11.

Andrey Sheptytsky Award. Ukraine Crisis Media Center, 18th of November 2014, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z8FUiJYCC20.

Baranova O., Conceptualizations of the Holocaust in Soviet and Post-Soviet Ukraine and Belarus: Public Debates and Historiography, “East European Politics and Societies and Cultures” 2020, vol. 34, no. 1, pp. 241-260.

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