Re-evaluation of World War II Heritage in Ukraine

On 8 May 2025, the 80th anniversary of the signing of the act of unconditional surrender by Germany and its armed forces took place. On this day, Ukraine celebrated for the second time the Day of Remembrance and Victory over Nazism in World War II (1939–1945). The new public holiday was intended to combine two earlier traditions: Victory Day over Nazism in World War II, observed on 9 May, and the Day of Remembrance and Reconciliation, celebrated on 8 May since 2015. This change represented yet another expression of the decade-long trend of moving away from Soviet forms of commemorating World War II and integrating Ukraine into the European tradition of interpreting and memorialising this global conflict.

Foundations of memory. During World War II, the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic suffered enormous material and human losses. Over 700 Ukrainian cities and towns and approximately 28,000 villages were destroyed as a result of military operations, including 334 villages burned down together with their inhabitants. Of the 26.6 million people who died in the USSR during the war, between 8 and 10 million came from the Ukrainian SSR, which accounted for 20–24% of the republic’s entire population[1]. Among them were 3–4 million military personnel and more than 5 million civilians, including 1.5 million Jews murdered during the Holocaust. In total, as many as 7 million residents of Ukraine fought in the ranks of the Red Army, which had a total of 34.5 million soldiers during the war. Over 230,000 Ukrainians served in partisan units and formations, while up to 100,000 fought in the ranks of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during its active phase from 1942 to the mid-1950s[2].

The memory of World War II touches every Ukrainian family, as each had members who were killed, injured, or participated in the conflict. As long as the generation of veterans was alive, communicative memory of the wartime events was preserved, actively supported by veterans’ organisations. After Ukraine gained independence in 1991, the commemoration of the war was based largely on the model developed in Soviet times, employing the paradigms of the “Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945”, the “Saving of the world and Europe from fascism”, and “Victory Day”. The official narrative focused mainly on private histories, heroism, and the suffering of “ordinary people”, while simultaneously emphasising the mistakes of Soviet leadership and military commanders. Gradually, topics related to the UPA and the nationalist movement, as well as the Holocaust – viewed as a shared tragedy of Ukraine’s inhabitants – were introduced into the historical discourse. After President Viktor Yushchenko (2005–2010) came to power, the official discourse began to portray the Ukrainian people as a victim of two totalitarian regimes and the war itself as a tragedy experienced by a nation without its own state. An unsuccessful attempt was also made at that time to reconcile Soviet veterans with UPA veterans (see IEŚ Policy Papers, no. 10/2023)[3].

One of the key elements of the 9 May commemorations after 1991 involved laying flowers at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in the Park of Eternal Glory in Kyiv, as well as at monuments to those who fell during World War II in other cities across Ukraine. Residents of smaller towns and villages, after laying flowers at obelisks and soldiers’ monuments, often visited the graves of their veteran relatives. Since 2000, the official scenario for the nationwide Victory Day celebrations has obligatorily included a ceremonial parade of veterans along the central streets of the capital and other cities. On this day, festive concerts, solemn rallies, and meetings with veterans took place, field kitchens serving “soldiers’ porridge” were organised, and the firing of “honour salutes” was performed. In Kyiv, mass public celebrations also included visits to the Memorial Complex “National Museum of the History of the Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945” (now the National Museum of the History of Ukraine in World War II). However, unlike in Moscow, military parades in Kyiv were not held annually; in independent Ukraine, parades involving units of the armed forces were organised only on 9 May 1995 and 2010, while between 2011 and 2013, historical and military reenactments involving activists from civic organisations took place in the centre of the capital.

Conceptual frameworks of the politics of history. After Russia’s annexation of Crimea and the outbreak of hostilities in the Donbas in 2014, the Ukrainian authorities sought to create a historical narrative in which Russia was presented as the country’s main historical adversary. In this context, the heroic image of the Great Patriotic War stood in contradiction to the new politics of history. The narrative that was being shaped focused on the sacrifice and suffering of ordinary people, while simultaneously emphasising the criminal nature of the Soviet regime and its leaders. Responsibility for starting the war was attributed to both Nazi Germany and the USSR, with particular reference to the signing of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact as one of the key pieces of evidence of the complicity of both states. At the same time, the UPA and the nationalist movement began to be perceived as the sole representatives and defenders of the Ukrainian nation’s interests during World War II.

On 9 April 2015, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted four laws concerning memory politics, which, inter alia, condemned the “totalitarian communist and national socialist (Nazi) regimes” and prohibited the public use of Soviet symbols[4]. One of these laws effectively eliminated the use of the term “Great Patriotic War”, leaving only the phrase “World War II” in official circulation[5]. As a result, the “Victory Day in the Great Patriotic War” celebrated on 9 May was replaced by the “Day of Victory over Nazism in World War II”. In addition, 8 May was declared the “Day of Remembrance and Reconciliation”, which marked the beginning of new commemorative practices. The red poppy became the official symbol of both days, while the phrase “We remember, we prevail” served as the guiding slogan. Furthermore, the slogan “Never again,” characteristic of the Western model of war commemoration, was widely employed (see IEŚ Commentaries, no. 27; Komentarze IEŚ, no. 186).

Commemoration against the backdrop of war. Following Russia’s invasion of 24 February 2022, the Ukrainian authorities began to use the memory of World War II in political discourse as a tool for the patriotic mobilisation of society. On 9 May of the same year, Volodymyr Zelenskyy stated: “Our enemy dreamed that we would refuse to celebrate 9 May and the victory over Nazism”, emphasising that the Ukrainian people would not allow anyone to “annex” or “appropriate” that victory[6]. The President announced that after the end of the ongoing war, Ukraine would have two Victory Days[7]. In addition, Zelenskyy returned to the Soviet practice of awarding the title of “Hero City”. Previously, this status had been held by Kyiv, Odesa, Sevastopol, and Kerch. In March 2022, the honorary title of “Hero City of Ukraine” was also granted to Bucha, Kharkiv, Kherson, Chernihiv, Hostomel, Irpin, Mariupol, Mykolaiv, Okhtyrka, and Volnovakha, which had suffered particularly heavily as a result of the Russian army’s actions.

However, these initiatives were gradually replaced by a historical politics previously implemented by Presidents Viktor Yushchenko and Petro Poroshenko (2014–2019) concerning the interpretation of World War II and its symbols. This policy was based on the assumption that it was a war between two totalitarian regimes – the USSR and Germany – in which the UPA was forced to fight on two fronts: against the Wehrmacht and the Red Army. At the same time, the fact that the UPA’s main objective was the anti-Polish front, as well as the cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the Nazis and their complicity in the Holocaust and the Volhynia massacres, is downplayed. Contemporary Russian armed forces are, in turn, increasingly compared to the Red Army, referred to as the occupiers.

Pursuant to the Law of 21 March 2023 “On the Condemnation and Prohibition of Propaganda of Russian Imperial Policy in Ukraine and the Decolonisation of Toponymy”[8], nearly all toponymic objects commemorating participants of World War II who fought in the ranks of the Red Army have been renamed. The dismantling of monuments to Soviet soldiers is also ongoing – not only those of Stalinist generals but also monuments dedicated to ordinary soldiers. In the western regions of Ukraine, exhumations of mass graves and honorary graves located on Alleys of Glory are being carried out, along with the destruction of monuments and eternal flames and the reburial of remains in cemeteries. “Memory activists” frequently participate in the dismantling of monuments (one such initiative is the project “Decolonization. Ukraine”, launched in 2017), exerting pressure on local authorities and often committing acts of vandalism. Local residents occasionally oppose the destruction of memorial sites; however, their protests are usually ineffective.

Against this backdrop, particular attention is drawn to an appeal issued by the Global Ukraine group on 27 February 2025, entitled “On the 80th Anniversary of the Victory over Nazism”, published on the influential news portal Ukrainska Pravda[9]. The document emphasises Russia’s desire to portray itself as the sole victor over Nazism in World War II, while simultaneously ignoring the contributions of the Allied powers and other nations of the USSR. At the same time, it notes that the radical Ukrainian narrative omits the contribution of Ukrainians fighting in the ranks of the Red Army and calls for the removal of all monuments and references to this fact. According to the authors of the appeal, “By excluding Ukrainians from the group of victors over Nazism and by presenting Ukrainians primarily as victims of the confrontation between two regimes, we risk depriving Ukraine of subjectivity and its rightful place within the community of European nations”.

In this way, the state loses an important role in the victory over Nazism, which in turn allows Russia to take full credit for this achievement. It is worth noting that the document was signed by politicians, scholars, museum professionals, university rectors, journalists, and representatives of civil society who actively supported the changes taking place in the Ukrainian politics of history after 2014. Among the signatories were, inter alia, historians Yaroslav Hrytsak and Ivan Patryliak; former directors of the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory, Volodymyr Viatrovych and Anton Drobovych; the Director General of the National Museum of the History of Ukraine in World War II, Yurii Savchuk; and the Chairman of the Servant of the People parliamentary faction, David Arakhamia. As the appeal did not provoke any significant public debate in Ukraine, it can be assumed that it was primarily addressed to an international audience. Most likely, it constituted an unofficial response to U.S. President Donald Trump’s statement, published on the Truth Social platform on 22 January 2025, that Russia helped defeat Germany and paid for the victory with nearly 60 million human lives. He mistakenly cited a figure more than twice the actual number, which in reality amounted to 26.6 million.

Change in approach to anniversary dates. In 2023, Ukraine officially ceased to celebrate 9 May as Victory Day over Nazism. Key arguments in favour of this decision included the Russian Federation’s attitude towards this date (see IEŚ Commentaries, no. 845) and changes in the public consciousness of Ukrainians occurring in the context of the ongoing war. On 12 June 2023, a single public holiday was established “to honour the memory of all victims of World War II (1939–1945) and to celebrate the victory over Nazism”[10]. It was celebrated for the first time on 8 May 2024, in line with practices in many European countries. Meanwhile, since 2023, 9 May has been observed as Europe Day. In his speech, President Zelenskyy stated that this was a way to honour the historical unity with Europe, which once defeated Nazism and now supports Ukraine in its fight against “Rashism”[11].

For security reasons, no mass celebrations took place in Kyiv on 8 May 2025, as had also been the case in the years since the start of Russia’s full-scale aggression. The only official event was a wreath-laying ceremony at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in the Park of Eternal Glory. Early in the morning, accompanied by an orchestra, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and his wife, together with representatives of the Office of the President, parliament, government, and diplomatic missions, honoured the memory of those who fell in World War II. Nevertheless, a part of Ukrainian society did not accept the shift of celebrations from 9 to 8 May and continues to observe Victory Day in accordance with the previous tradition. On 9 May 2025, hundreds of Ukrainians laid flowers at the Monument of Eternal Glory at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier and at the monument to military aviators in Kyiv, the Memorial of Glory in Kharkiv, the Monument to the Unknown Sailor in Odesa, as well as in other localities. According to surveys conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology, between 2023 and 2025, Victory Day celebrations remained important for 11–13% of Ukrainians. For comparison, in 2021, this percentage was 30%[12].

Conclusions. After the collapse of the USSR, the topic of World War II was incorporated into the new official Ukrainian narrative, and the model of its commemoration largely continued the existing Soviet tradition. However, over the past decade, there has been a radical re-evaluation of the legacy of the war, its heroes, and the ways of commemorating the victory over Nazism. On 8 May 2015, the Day of Remembrance and Reconciliation was celebrated for the first time, while from 9 May 2016, the Victory Day in the official holiday calendar was replaced by the Day of Victory over Nazism in World War II. In this way, the celebrations, which lasted two days, referred both to the European and the Soviet traditions of war memorialisation. The final break with Soviet practices of commemorating World War II came in 2023, when 9 May ceased to be observed as Victory Day at the state level. Instead, from 2024, the Day of Remembrance and Victory over Nazism in World War II (1939–1945) was introduced and is celebrated on 8 May.

Ukraine approached the 80th anniversary of the victory over Nazism in an atmosphere of uncertainty. On the one hand, the consolidation of society after February 2022 was to a large extent based on the acceptance of the entire complexity of its own history, including the contribution of more than 7 million Ukrainians who fought in the ranks of the Red Army during World War II. On the other hand, public discourse increasingly reinforces the narrative that the Ukrainian nation was a victim of two totalitarian regimes, and that the key episode of the war was the struggle of the OUN–UPA against them. This view, supported by the actions of domestic “memory activists”, contributes to the suppression of the narrative of Ukraine’s participation in the anti-Hitler coalition. Ukraine’s voluntary rejection of the legacy of victory in World War II gives the Russian authorities greater freedom to politically appropriate this legacy, which may have long-term consequences in the sphere of memory politics and the international perception of history.

[1] The total population of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, excluding Crimea and Zakarpattia, amounted to nearly 41 million people as of 1 January 1941.

[2] See Війна Росії проти України у часових пластах і просторах минувшини. Діалоги з істориками, у 2-х кн., кн. 2, відп. ред. В. Смолій, Київ 2022, pp. 1039–1040.

[3] For more detailed information on this issue, see H. Bazhenova, Image of the Great Victory in Independent Ukraine: Revising the Concept of Memory, in Russia’s War in Ukraine: Implications for the Politics of History in Central and Eastern Europe, ed. H. Bazhenova, Lublin 2023, pp. 75–83.

[4] Закон України від 9 квітня 2015 р. № 317-VIII „Про засудження комуністичного та націонал-соціалістичного (нацистського) тоталітарних режимів в Україні та заборону пропаганди їхньої символіки”, Верховна Рада України, Законодавство України (ВРУ, ЗУ), https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/317-19#Text (10.05.2025).

[5] Закон України від 9 квітня 2015 р. № 315-VIII „Про увічнення перемоги над нацизмом у Другій світовій війні 1939–1945 років”, ВРУ, ЗУ, https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/315-19#Text (10.05.2025).

[6] Such a reaction was a response to Vladimir Putin’s claim that Russia would have achieved victory in the Great Patriotic War even if Ukraine had not been part of the USSR. Putin, then Prime Minister of Russia, first made this statement on 16 December 2010, during the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych (2010–2014), who restored a Soviet-nostalgic model of war memory in Ukraine.

[7] В. Зеленський, Звернення Президента України з нагоди Дня перемоги над нацизмом у Другій світовій війні, Президент України, 9.05.2022, https://www.president.gov.ua/news/zvernennya-prezidenta-ukrayini-z-nagodi-dnya-peremogi-nad-na-74925 (21.05.2025).

[8] Закон України від 21 березня 2023 р. № 3005-IX „ Про засудження та заборону пропаганди російської імперської політики в Україні і деколонізацію топонімії”, ВРУ, ЗУ, https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/3005-20#Text (10.05.2025).

[9] Група „Глобальна Україна”, До 80-ї річниці перемоги над нацизмом, Українська правда, 27.02.2025, https://www.pravda.com.ua/articles/2025/02/27/7500478/ (11.05.2025).

[10] Закон України від 29 травня 2023 р. № 3107-IX „Про День пам’яті та перемоги над нацизмом у Другій світовій війні 1939–1945 років”, ВРУ, ЗУ, https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/3107-20#Text (21.05.2025).

[11] В. Зеленський, Звернення Президента України з нагоди Дня пам’яті та перемоги над нацизмом у Другій світовій війні 1939–1945 років, Президент України, 8.05.2023, https://www.president.gov.ua/news/zvernennya-prezidenta-ukrayini-z-nagodi-dnya-pamyati-ta-pere-82761 (11.05.2025).

[12] В. Паніотто, Ставлення українців до державних свят і зокрема до 8 березня, Київський міжнародний інститут соціології, 7.3.2025, https://www.kiis.com.ua/?lang=ukr&cat=reports&id=1504&page=1 (11.05.2025).

[Photo: www.president.gov.ua]