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The aim of the article is to present and analyse the major ideological and political factors shaping the Russian Federation’s attitude towards the European Union. The analysis focuses on the main ideological concepts, shaped historically and functioning today in Russia, which influence political programmes and undertakings implemented by the Russian authorities in their relations with the EU. This analysis is based on the assumption that there is a deep-rooted conviction among the Russian élites and society that their system of values and culture are diametrically opposed to that of the West, and especially of Europe, and that this results in a general hostility towards the EU. As a result, this creates enormous difficulties in maintaining normal, stable relations between the two parties.
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The article outlines the geopolitical rationale behind contemporary Russian expansionism, as well as presents the asymmetric and “hybrid” mechanisms utilized by the Kremlin to solidify its authority in the post-communist space. To do this, the article refers to the findings of American, British, Polish and Ukrainian intellectuals on the nature of the Russian political identity. The four commonly used theoretical frameworks explaining contemporary Russian expansionism are described and critically assessed (imperial, diversionary, divergent identities and “angry guy”). Apart from this, the Russian and foreign political philosophic thought of the XIX-XXI centuries is referred to. The latter was done to trace the evolution of the Russian Byzantium-type governing tradition and national identity. The article puts forward the hypothesis that Russian expansionism, alongside the Russian sentiment towards an imperialist worldview, are tested by historical patterns of national policy-making which bring the state to its civilizational glory. In this light, it will be futile to expect that Russia can fully democratize, build a Western type of a nation-state and start conducting open policies.
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The current state of coexistence in international arena is contested. Russian Federation (RF) cannot come to terms with the fact that following the dissolution of the USSR, it sustained substantial losses, especially with regards to its role globally. The team of Putin is striving to rebuild the power of their country. The Russian society, used to sacrifices for the homelands, offers its invaluable support. A lot of effort is put in the development of the armaments sector. As a result, the structure, command and mobilization the Armed Forces have substantially improved. The RF Armed Forces prepare for a possible armed conflict. Various types of exercise are conducted; frequently maneuvers take place in proximity to the borders of NATO member-states. This paper examines these developments and suggest possible ways of bypassing the emerging challenges.
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Visvizi, A. and T. Kapuśniak, ‘Federacja Rosyjska i WNP w szerszym kontekście regionalnym Azji: polityka zagraniczna, bezpieczeństwo, współpraca gospodarcza’ [Russia and the CIS in the broader regional context of Asia: foreign policy, security, economic cooperation], in: T. Kapuśniak (ed.), Federacja Rosyjska wobec obszaru Wspólnoty Niepodległych Państw [Russian Federation and the CIS], Lublin & Warszawa: IEŚW/Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, 2011.
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wPolityce.pl, ‘Były doradca Putina nie pozostawia złudzeń: Atak Rosji na kraje bałtyckie i Polskę jest nieuchronny. Nastąpi w ciągu dwóch lat…’ [Former adviser of Putin leaves no illusions: Russia’s attack on Baltic States and Poland is inevitable. It will happen within two years…], (Wywiad z byłym doradcą W. Putina – Andriejem Iłłarionowem / Interview with a former adviser of V. Putin – Andrey Illarionov), wPolityce.pl, https://wpolityce.pl/swiat/229227-byly-doradca-putina-nie-pozostawia-zludzen-atak-rosji-na-kraje-baltyckie-i-polske-jest-nieuchronny-nastapi-w-ciagu-dwochlat[2017-11-02].
The article examines Russian Federation’s relations with both South and North Korean in the years 1991-2018 and tries to make an assessment of the potential role Russia could play in a future reunification process of the peninsula. The author examines three possible scenarios of such a process: a peaceful reunification, a reunification that would result from North Korean regime’s collapse or from an all-out war on the peninsula. It is argued that although the Russian Federation might prefer to see the continuation of the current status quo, in case of any potential security environment shift the peaceful reunification scenario will best assure Russia’s interest in the region.
Katarzyna Pisarska, ‘Russian Federation relations with South and North Koreas and its role in the reunification of the peninsula – scenarios for the future’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 16, No. 4, 2018, pp. 87-106.
Ahn, B., ‘The Soviet Union and the Korean Peninsula’, Asian Affairs: An American Review, vol. 11, issue 4, 1985.
BBC, ‘Trump Kim summit: US and North Korean leaders hold historic’, News/World, 12 June 2018, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-44435035 [2018-08-03].
Business Korea, ‘Korean President Park Proposes “Silk Road Express” to Connect Eurasian Nations, Facilitate Exchanges’, News, 18 October 2013, http://www.businesskorea.co.kr/english/news/politics/1737-union-eurasian-nations-korean-president-park-proposes-%E2%80%9Csilk-roadexpress%E2%80%9D-connect [2017-03-12].
Cheang, C., ‘Can Russia help being cut out of North Korea negotiations?’, East Asia Forum, 7 July 2018, http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2018/07/07/canrussia-help-being-cut-out-of-north-korea-negotiations/ [2018-08-03].
Cherkashin, P., ‘Current Russian-North Korean relations and prospects of their development’, Russian International Affairs Council Blog, 25 August 2015, http://russiancouncil.ru/en/blogs/dvfu-en/2022/ [2018-08-02].
Gelman, H. and N. D. Levin, ‘The Future of Soviet-North Korean Relations’, RAND Corporation Paper no. R-3159-AF, October 1984, http://www.rand.org/dam/rand/pubs/reports/2009/R3159.pdf [2017-03-17].
Global Firepower, ‘2018 Military Strength Ranking’, 18 April 2018, http://www.globalfirepower.com/countries-listing.asp [2018-07-03].
Haggard, S. and M. Noland, ‘North Korea’s External Economic Relations’, Working Paper Series, Washington D.C.: Peterson Institute for Interna-tional Economics, August 2007, https://piie.com/publications/workingpapers/north-koreas-external-economic-relations [2018-08-02].
Ivashentsov, G., ‘Prospects for Russia – Republic of Korea Relations’, in: I. S. Ivanov (ed.), Russia – Republic of Korea Relations: Revising the Bilateral Agenda, Russia International Affairs Council Working Paper, no. X1/2013, Moscow 2013.
Jakimowicz, R., Polityka Federacji Rosyjskiej wobec regionu Azji i Pacyfiku, Azji Centralnej i Arktyki [Russian Federation and its politics towards Asia, Pacific, Central Asia and the Arctic], Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, 2015.
Jamestown Foundation, ‘Russia And North Korea Sign Friendship Treaty’, Monitor, vol. 6, issue 30, 17 February 2000, https://jamestown.org/program/russia-and-north-korea-sign-friendship-treaty/ [2017-03-12].
Kim, DJ, ‘Russian influence on North Korea: views of former South Korean Ambassadors to Russia’, The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis, vol. 24, no. 3, 2012.
Kim, S., ‘Korean unification costs would exceed $2.7 trillion: Researcher’, NKNews.com, 6 March 2014, https://www.nknews.org/2015/03/unification-costs-would-exceed-2-7-trillion-researcher/ [2017-02-28].
KITA, ‘K-Statistics by Country: Russia’, 7 July 2018, http://www.kita.org/kStat/byCount_SpeCount.do [2018-07-07].
Korean Rail Network Authority, ‘Trans-Korea railway & North Korean rail modernization’, News, December 2017, http://english.kr.or.kr/sub/info.do?m=0203 [2018-06-27].
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Korea, ‘Chapter 4: Strengthening Cooperation with Neighboring Countries: Korea – Russia Relations’, in: Diplomatic White Paper 2016, Seoul 2016.
Ministry of Unification of the Republic of Korea, ‘Initiative for Korean Unification’, Press Release, 27 March 2015, http://www.unikorea.go.kr/eng_unikorea/news/releases/?boardId=bbs_0000000000000034&mode=view&cntId=42576&category=&pageIdx=5 [2018-07-03].
Orlov, A. and K. Romanova, ‘Кимам простили долг – Россия спишет долги КНДР’, Gazeta.ru, 19 February 2014, http://www.gazeta.ru/business/2014/02/19/5916573.shtml [2018-08-02].
Park, Y. H., ‘South and North Korea’s Views on the Unification of the Korean Peninsula and Inter-Korean Relations’, Working Paper, Korean Institute for National Unification, 2nd KRIS-Brookings Joint Conference on “Security and Diplomatic Cooperation between ROK and US for the Unification of the Korean Peninsula”, 21 January 2014, https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2014/04/Park-Young-Ho-paper.pdf [2018-08-03].
Radchenko, S., ‘Russia’s Policy in the Run-Up to the First North Korean Nuclear Crisis, 1991-1993’, Nuclear Proliferation International History Project Working Paper #4, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 13 February 2015, https://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/russias-policy-the-run-to-the-first-north-korean-nuclear-crisis-1991-1993[2018-08-02].
Reuters, ‘Russia writes off 90 percent of North Korea’s debt’, News, 18 September 2012, http://uk.reuters.com/article/russia-northkorea-debt-idUKL6N0NB04L20140419 [2017-03-02].
Rinna, A. V., ‘Here Is Why South Korea May Be Turning to Russia’, The National Interest, 6 February 2018, http://nationalinterest.org/blog/thebuzz/here-why-south-korea-may-be-turning-russia-24370 [2018-07-07].
Rozman, G., ‘South Korean Strategic Thought toward Russia’, in: G. Rozman and I. Hyun, S. Lee (eds), South Korean Strategic Thought toward Asia, New York: Palgrave McMillan, 2008.
Russia Beyond, ‘Seoul “punishes” Pyongyang by suspending Trans-Korean railway project’, News, 12 February 2016, http://rbth.com/international/2016/02/12/seoul-punishes-pyongyang-by-suspending-trans-koreanrailway-project_567087 [2017-03-24].
Stevenson, C., ‘Lavrov’s North Korea visit a reminder to Trump that Russia cannot be ignored’, The Independent, 31 May 2018, https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/trump-north-korea-meeting-russia-lavrov-kim-jongun-pyongyang-syria-a8378331.html [2018-07-07].
Suslina, S., ‘Traditional and New Areas of Bilateral Trade’, in: I. S. Ivanov (ed.), Russia – Republic of Korea Relations: Revising the Bilateral Agenda, Russia International Affairs Council, Working Paper, no. X1/2013, Moscow 2013.
Talmadge, E., ‘Why Russia is bolstering ties with North Korea’, The Guardian, 4 June 2014, World/Europe, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jun/04/russia-bolster-ties-north-korea [2018-08-02].
The Economist, ‘What North and South Korea would gain if they were reunified’, Korea Opportunities, 5 May 2016, http://www.economist.com/blogs/graphicdetail/2015/10/daily-chart-5 [2018-08-03].
Toloraya, G., ‘Inter-Korean Dialogue and Reconciliation Prospects’, in: Russia– Republic of Korea Relations: Revising The Bilateral Agenda, Russian International Affairs Council Working Paper, no. X1/2013.
Trenin, D., ‘Russia’s Asia Policy under Vladimir Putin, 2000-5’, in: G. Rozman and K. Togo, J. P. Ferguson (eds), Russian Strategic Thought toward Asia, New York: Palgrave, 2006.
Yakubovsky, V. , ‘The Future of Korean and Northeast Asia: Russian Concerns’, Paper presented at: 4th Europe-Northeast Asia Forum – The Future of Korea and Northeast Asia, Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, Berlin, 11-13 December 2003.
York, R., ‘Russia craves balance on the Korean Peninsula. To maintain an influence in North and South Korea, Moscow must “stand on both legs”: Experts’, NKNews.org, 2 November 2015, http://www.nknews.org/2015/11/russia-craves-balance-on-the-korean-peninsula/ [2017-03-02].
Zakharova, L., ‘Economic cooperation between Russia and North Korea: New goals and new approaches’, Journal of Eurasian Studies, vol. 7, issue 2, July 2016.
This article discusses Poland’s eastern policy as it unfolded over the period 2016-2018. Against this backdrop it examines how the right-wing coalition 2015 ascent to power impacted the foreign policy of the Republic of Poland. It is argued that the lingering of Poland’s engagement in its eastern neighbourhood is conditioned by developments on the Polish political scene, which – in some cases – is also reflected in a change of narrative toward the eastern neighbours, especially Ukraine.
Adrian Chojan, ‘From strategy to improvisation – Poland’s Eastern Policy in 2016-2018’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 16, No. 4, 2018, pp. 107-123.
Chojan, A., ‘Polityka wschodnia Polski w myśli politycznej pa rtii Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (lata 2005-2007)’ [Eastern policy of Poland in the political thought of the Law and Justice party (2005-2007)], Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, no. 5, 2016.
Chojan, A., ‘Polityka zagraniczna i bezpieczeństwa UE z perspektywy państw Grupy Wyszehradzkiej’ [EU foreign and security policy from the perspective of the Visegrad Group countries], in : M. J. Tomaszyk (ed.), Polityczno-społeczne i ekonomiczne zmiany w Europie w świetle globalnej startegii na rzecz polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa Unii Europejskiej [Politico-social and economic changes in Europe in the light of a global strategy for the foreign and security policy of the European Union], Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe WNPiD UAM, 2017.
Dahl, M., ‘Inicjatywa Trójmorza z perspektywy niemieckiej’ [Three-way initiative from the German perspective], Studia Europejskie, no. 2, 2018.
Fiszer, J. M., ‘Kryzys na Ukrainie i jego konsekwencje międzynarodowe dla regionu, Europy i świata’ [Crisis in Ukraine and its international consequences for the region, Europe and the world], Biuletyn Analiz i Opinii Zakładu Europeistyki ISP PAN, no. 3, 2018.
Kowal, P., ‘Plecami do Ukrainy’ [Backs to Ukraine], Polityka, 20 February 2018.
Kowal, P., ‘Polityka wschodnia Polski po 1989 roku. Kontekst, uwarunkowania, punkty zwrotne’ [Eastern policy of Poland after 1989. Context, conditions, turning points’], in: J. Osiński (ed.), Polityka publiczna w Polsce. Priorytety i wyzwania [Public policy in Poland. Priorities and challenges], Warszawa: Szkoła Główna Handlowa, 2015.
Kowal, P., ‘Relacje Warszawa–Kijów są najgorsze od 1991 roku [Warsaw–Kiev relations are the worst since 1991], Rzeczpospolita, 21 January 2017, www.rp.pl/Dyplomacja/170129814-Pawel-Kowal-relacje-WarszawaKijow-sanajgorsze-od-1991-roku.html [2018-08-13].
Kubik, A., ‘Gazoport w Świnoujściu będzie powiększony. Jest decyzja o rozbudowie’ [The LNG terminal in Świnoujście will be enlarged. There is a decision to expand], Gazeta Wyborcza, 20 April 2017.
Kubik, A., ‘Polska w pułapce Nord Stream 2. Przed nami wybór jak między dżumą a cholerą’ [Poland in the trap of Nord Stream 2. Before us, we choose between the plague and cholera], Gazeta Wyborcza, 18 September 2017.
Łoskot-Strachota, A. and R. Bajczuk, S. Kardaś, ‘Nord Stream 2 dzieli Zachód’ [Nord Stream 2 divides the West], Komentarze OSW, no. 273, 2018.
Mieroszewski, J., ‘Rosyjski „kompleks Polski” i obszar ULB’ [Russian “Polish complex” and the ULB area], in: P. Kowal and J. Ołdakowski, M. Zuchniak (eds), Nie jesteśmy ukrainofilami. Polska myśl polityczna wobec Ukraińców i Ukrainy. Antologia tekstów [We are not Ukrainrainophiles. Polish political thought towards Ukrainians and Ukraine. Anthology of texts], Wrocław 2002.
Mikulski, J., ‘Czy Jarosław Kaczyński pokłócił się z Petrem Poroszenką o UPA?’ [Did Jarosław Kaczyński quarrel with Petro Poroshenko about UPA?], Rzeczpospolita, 21 August 2017.
Orzelska-Stączek, A., ‘Inicjatywa Środkowoeuroepejska a Trójmorze – odmienne koncepcje współpracy w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej’ [Central European and Tricity Initiative – different concepts of cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe], Studia Europejskie, no. 1, 2018.
Pełczyńska-Nałęcz, K., Polityka wschodnia w chaosie [Eastern policy in chaos], Warszawa: Fundacja im. S. Batorego, 2014.
Tarnogórski, R. and S. Zaręba, ‘Polska w Radzie Bezpieczeństwa ONZ’ [Poland in the UN Security Council], Biuletyn PISM, no. 1, 2018.
Wroński, P., ‘Odwrót PiS z Ukrainy? Kaczyński: „Nie zgodzimy się, by z ludobójców i morderców robić bohaterów”’ [The return of the PiS from Ukraine? Kaczyński: “We will not agree to make heroes out of the genocide and murderer”], Gazeta Wyborcza, 30 January 2017.
Zdrowie, praca, rodzina [Health, work, family], program wyborczy Prawa i Sprawiedliwości [Election program Law and Justice], 2014.
Mass protests which erupted in Armenia in April 2018 were the biggest demonstrations in this country since the nineties of the XX century. With the dismissal of prime minister Serzh Sargsyan and appointment of the “temporary” government, the so called #RejectSerzh movement has been quickly proclaimed as another velvet revolution. The 2018 protests led to such an unexpected outcome because of the number of factors: their well-thought organization based on the civil disobedience methods, simultaneous decentralization of the protesters and clearly defined aim – ousting the incumbent prime minister embodying corrupted, oligarchic political system. At the same time it seems that the #RejectSerzh movement would not achieve such a success without the “legacy” of the civic, grassroots initiatives taking place in Armenia since 2008 and especially since 2013. All of these movements were highly interlinked and constituted continuous (however still incomplete) creeping revolution leading to the change of the oligarchic political system in Armenia.
Mateusz Kubiak, ‘Armenia’s creeping revolution: between the #RejectSerzh movement and previous civic initiatives’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 16, No. 4, 2018, pp. 125-145.
Abrahamian, L., ‘Civil Society Born in the Square: the Karabagh Movement in Perspective’, in: L. Chorbajian (ed.), The Making of Nagorno-Karabagh: From Secession to Republic, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001.
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Ellena, M., ‘The Armenian Velvet Revolution is over: Pashinian voted in as prime minister’, bne IntelliNews, 8 May 2018, www.intellinews.com/thearmenian-velvet-revolution-is-over-pashinian-voted-in-as-prime-minister-141261/ [2018-06-26].
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Garbis, C., ‘Yerevan’s Bus Fare Protests: A Timeline’, The Armenian Weekly, 29 July 2013, https://armenianweekly.com/2013/07/29/yerevans-bus-fareprotests-a-timeline/ [2018-06-22].
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International Partnership for Human Rights, ‘BEATEN, BURNT AND BETRAYED: Armenians awaiting accountability for police violence’, International Partnership for Human Rights, 2016, iphronline.org/wpcontent/uploads/2016/09/Beaten-Burned-and-Betrayed-Armenia-report-Sept-2016.pdf [2018-06-22].
Ishkanian, A., Democracy Building and Civil Society in Post-Soviet Armenia, New York: Routledge, 2008.
Ishkanian, A. and E. Gyulkhandanyan, S. Manusyan, A. Manusyan, Civil Society, Development and Environmental Activism in Armenia, Yerevan: City Print House, 2013.
Jaloyan, V., ‘New Political Subjects in Armenia and March 1 Events’, Red Thread, www.red-thread.org/dosyalar/site_resim/dergi/pdf/4349778.pdf [2018-06-21].
Kargin TV, Chem vcharelu 150 dram [I am not paying 150 dram], Youtube, 24 July 2013, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uk4_qzVK8-4 [2018-06-21].
Khachatrian, H., ‘Armenia: how a small country counters the Global crisis’, Caucasus Analytical Digest, no. 18, 2010.
Makunts, L., ‘After Armenia’s Velvet Revolution, New Colors and Vibes in Country’s Politics and Society’, International Center on Nonviolent Conflict, 10 May 2018, https://www.nonviolent-conflict.org/blog_post/armenias-velvet-revolution-new-colors-vibes-countrys-politics-society/ [2018-06-24].
Martirosyan, A., ‘Protest against pension reforms in Yerevan was about 15,000 strong’, Kavkaz Uzel, 22 March 2014, www.eng.kavkaz-uzel.eu/articles/27628/ [2018-06-22].
Martirosyan, A., V Erevane v ramkah kampanii protiv udorozhanija proezda proshel obuchajushhij kurs obshhenija aktivistov s policiej [In Yerevan during the protest against public transport tariffs hike was held a training course of communication with the police], Kavkaz Uzel, 25 July 2013, http://www.kavkaz-uzel.eu/articles/227603/ [2018-06-22].
Martirosyan, S., ‘Yerevantsis Mobilize Against Price Hikes in Public Transport’, The Armenian Weekly, 23 July 2013, https://armenianweekly.com/2013/07/23/yerevantsis-mobilizes-against-price-hikes-in-publictransport/ [2018-06-21].
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Najarian, T., ‘We refuse to pay 150 Dram for transport! And Other Protests’, Notes of a Spurkahye Finally Come Home Blog, 23 July 2013, https://tamarnajarian.wordpress.com/2013/07/23/we-refuse-to-pay-150-dram-fortransport-and-other-protests/ [2018-06-21].
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Paturyan, Y. J. and V. Gevorgyan, Civic Activism as a Novel Component of Armenian Civil Society, Yerevan: Turpanjian Center for Policy Analysis, 2016.
Payaslian, S., The History of Armenia: From the Origins to the Present, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.
Petrosyan, D., ‘Oligarchy in Armenia’, Caucasus Analytical Digest, no. 53-54, 2013.
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Sargsyan, G., Democracy and Development in the Making: Civic Participation in Armenia; Challenges, Opportunities (Doctoral Thesis), Trento: University of Trento, 2016.
Sarian, A., ‘Economic Challenges Faced by the New Armenian State’, Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, vol. 14, no. 2, March 2016.
Schiffers, S., ‘Why Armenians Call for a Velvet Revolution’, Polis Blog, 20 April 2018, https://polis180.org/polisblog/2018/04/20/10482/ [2018-06-26].
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Statistical Committee of the Republic of Armenia, The Demographic Handbook of Armenia, Yerevan: Statistical Committee of the Republic of Armenia, 2017.
Tadevosyan, A., ‘Challenges of Transition in Post-Soviet Armenia: Protest Movements, Power, and Society’, in: G. Novikova (ed.), Regional Security Issues: 2015, Yerevan: SPECTRUM Center for Strategic Analysis, 2016.
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Varvarchapet, Menq Chenq Vtwarelow 150 dram, incha t’e varchapety’ nor Bent’li a owzowm [We’ll not pay 150 dram because the prime minister needs new Bentley], Facebook, https://www.facebook.com/vatvarchapet/[2018-06-22].
Way, L., ‘State power and autocratic stability: Armenia and Georgia’, in: A. E. Wooden and Ch. H. Stefes (eds), The Politics of Transition in Central Asia and the Caucasus: Enduring legacies and emerging challenges, New York: Routledge, 2009.
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Zolyan, M., ‘Is 2018 the New 1988? Some thoughts on the Karabakh Movement and the “Velvet Revolution”’, EVN Report, 30 April 2018, https://www.evnreport.com/politics/is-2018-the-new-1988 [2018-06-21].
Turkey’s current foreign policy is based on the slogans of the revision of the Lausanne Treaty of 1923, which established the external borders of the Turkish state. The revision demands of this treaty are particularly dangerous to the security of Greece and the territorial integrity of this country. Turkey questions the limits of the continental shelf, the exclusive economic zone, the territorial sea and airspace of Greece. Since the mid-1990s, Turkey has also begun to question the Greekness of the Aegean islands. The danger of an outbreak of conflict between Greece and Turkey in the Aegean Sea may lead to the renewal of conflicts in the Balkans and thus to the decreased security of other European Union countries.
Artur Adamczyk, ‘Treaty Revisionism in Turkey’s foreign policy – a threat to the security of Greece and the European Union’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 16, No. 4, 2018, pp. 147-165.
Adamczyk, A., Cypr. Dzieje polityczne [Cyprus. Political history], Warszawa: Dialog, 2002.
Aslan, D. H. and B. Selcuk, ‘Reflections of the Second World War on Turkey’s Foreign Policy’, Kwartalnik Naukowy Uczelni Vistula, vol. 39, no. 1, 2014.
Clogg, R., Historia Grecji nowożytnej [The history of modern Greece], Warszawa: KiW, 2006.
Greek City Time, ‘Greeks outraged by Turkish President’s remarks: “We gave awal the Greek Island”’, Greek City Times, 30 September 2016, https://greekcitytimes.com/greeks-outraged-by-turkish-presidents-remarks-wegave-away-the-greek-islands/ [2018-07-08].
Grigoriadis, I., ‘Turkey’s foreign policy activism: vision continuity and reality checks’, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, vol. 14, no. 2, 2014.
Gulmez, S. B., ‘Turkish foreign policy as an anomaly: revisionism and irredentism through diplomacy in the 1930s’, British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, vol. 44, no. 1, 2017.
Inan, Y. and Y. Acer, ‘The Aegean Disputes’, in: A. L. Karaosmanoglou and S. Tashan (eds), The Europeanisation of Turkey’s Security Policy: Prospects and Pitfalls, Ankara: Foreign Policy Institute, 2004.
Kathimerini, ‘Greece complains to NATO over Turkish submarines in Aegean’, Kathimerini, 8 October 2016.
Kathimerini, ‘Turkish subs in Aegean “unacceptable tactic”, Vitsas says’, Kathimerini, 10 October 2016, http://www.ekathimerini.com [2018-07-08].
Kathimerini, ‘Turkish opposition chief challenges Erdogan over Greece visit’, Kathimerini, 12 December 2017, http://www.ekathimerini.com [2018-07-08].
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The Turks are the largest national minority in Bulgaria. Since the creation of the independent Bulgarian state in the 19th century, i.e., since the Turks began to function as a minority group in this country, they have not identified with their new homeland nor integrated with other ethnic groups. After 1989 the situation has changed, the symbol of which is the activity of the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (DPS). The article addresses the situation of the Turkish minority in this new, changed reality of modern Bulgaria.
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Декларация на Движението за права и свободи относно проведения на 16.04.2017 г. референдум в Република Турция [Declaration of the Movement for Rights and Freedoms regarding the holding of a referendum in the Republic of Turkey on 16/04/2017], 27 April 2017, https://www.dps.bg/1064-deklaratziya-na-dvizhenieto-za-prava-i-svobodi-otnosno-provedeniya-na-16-04-2017g-referendum-v-republika-turtziya.html [2018-01-08].
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The problem of people’s forced displacement refers to the most acute. People displaced by conflict, persecution or other human rights violations are the most vulnerable groups in the world. The question of how to regulate migration in such a way as to enhance its positive effects, reducing the negative ones is one of the most important in countries. Russia, like other industrialized countries, attracts migrant. However, there are significant differences between European countries and Russia. The aim of the paper is to investigate the problem of refugees and internally displaced persons in the Russian Federation in international legal, political and social aspects and possible ways for its solution. The article reflects general condition of refugees and internally displaced persons, taking into account the specifics of the political socialization process in Russia.
Ludmila Golovataia, Dan Dinner, ‘Russia as immigration country: policy response to refugees and internally displaced persons’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 16, No. 4, 2018, pp. 187-205.
Ioan Horga, ‘Book review: European Security and Stability in a Complex Global Order – The Case of Neighbourhood Policy by Ewa Latoszek, Magdalena Proczek, Małgorzata Dziembała, Anna Masłon--Oracz, Agnieszka Kłos (eds)’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 16, No. 4, 2018, pp. 209-211
