In the article, referring to quantitative indicators, the subject of analysis is the identification of the dividing line of the previously shared space of Central and Eastern Europe. This means that this part of Europe is changing, shifting the previous dividing line. This line during the Cold War symbolically ran along the Elbe River, dividing Europe into two opposing political, military and ideological blocks. The new dividing line has been symbolically shifted from the Elbe River to the Bug River and concerns political, economic and social standards. It is therefore a multifaceted phenomenon. Strengthening the division occurs, on the one hand, between the countries that joined the European Union, and on the other, which remained in the post-Soviet area.
M. Pietraś, Podziały przestrzeni Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 1, s. 11-49, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.1.1.
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The paradigm of the political identity of Central and Eastern Europe was being formed on the sidelines of the paradigm of modernization of the region’s states, getting beyond control of the East (authoritarianism) and heading towards Western democracies. In the process of democratization of the countries of the region, the transformation paradigm developed by Western political scientists had to be adapted to the Eastern European reality. The countries of the region underwent a complex process of systemic changes in the political and economic dimension, and some also in the state-building and nation-building dimensions. Three decades of transformation point to a significant group of countries in which democratization has been successful or is heading in the right direction. The second group of states balances between hybrid regimes and non-consolidated democracy, while the third group of countries has failed the experiment of democratization.
W. Baluk, Europa Środkowa i Wschodnia w okresie poszukiwania własnej tożsamości politycznej oraz zmian systemowych, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 1, s. 51-78, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.1.2.
The paper offers a thorough analysis of the main types of party systems and their changes in the post-Soviet countries between 1992 and 2019. The evolution of the main criteria concerning the party systems classification has been analyzed. We use a database of all parliamentary elections which took place in the post-communist countries since 1992. This article concludes that the majority of party systems of the post-Soviet countries are not stable and suffering permanent changes. On this basis, 16 party systems that continue to exist in the post-communist countries from 1992 to 2019 are almost half-assigned to the predominant party types. Our findings indicate that Kyrgyzstan and Moldova have moved from a predominant party type to a multiparty type. Russia, Armenia, and Ukraine have changed their party systems from a multiparty type to a predominant party type. Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan remain in the predominant party system since the first elections. Slovakia, the Czech Republic and the Baltic countries have remained in the multiparty types since the first elections.
W. Lebediuk, Плинність партійних систем у посткомуністичних країнах (1992-2019), „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 1, s. 79-95, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.1.3.
In december 1991, the Soviet Union collapsed. This fact can be considered to be the most significant geopolitical event of the second half of the 20th century. As a result of the collapse of the USSR, fifteen union republics – the main units of the administrative-political and national division of the Soviet federation – gained state sovereignty and independence. One of the most important results of this process was the creation of Russia (Russian Federation), which declared itself and was recognized as the main successor of the Soviet empire. The young state faced many difficulties, which – at the level of internal policy – include carrying out socio-political-economic transformation, overcoming the deep structural crisis inherited from the late USSR, or building modern durable democratic institutions and democratic political culture. This meant that the new Russian elites needed to make a radical system change and to develop new political mechanisms in the management of this enormous country. The article will present the main problems faced by Russia and its establishment in the 1990s, with many turning points and breakthrough moments, specific to countries undergoing intensive and multifaceted post-communist transformation. Due to the importance and the role of Russia in the international system, the directions and tendencies of changes taking place in this country are particularly important, especially from the perspective of post-Soviet states and the countries of the former socialist block.
K. Świder, Transformacja polityczna w Rosji w latach 90. XX wieku – główne problemy, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 1, s. 97-121, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.1.4.
The present paper discusses the following research questions: to what extent did errors made by the previous presidents of Ukraine result in the country’s failure to introduce systemic reforms (e.g. combating corruption, the development of a foundation for a stable state under the rule of law and free-market economy)?; can it be ventured that the lack of radical reforms along with errors in the internal politics of Ukraine under Petro Poroshenko resulted in the president’s failure?; will the strong vote of confidence given to Volodymyr Zelensky and the Servant of the People party exact systemic reforms in Ukraine?; or will Volodymyr Zelensky merely become an element of the oligarchic political system in Ukraine?
T. Stępniewski, Determinanty wewnętrzne polityki zagranicznej Ukrainy pod rządami Wołodymyra Zełenskiego, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 1, s. 123-141, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.1.5.
The article aims to present the driving forces, defined as the path dependence approach, shaping systemic changes in the Central and Eastern Europe. It will also consider the usefulness of this concept for explaining the different results of the political and economic transformation.
R. Duda, Rola koncepcji «path dependence» w wyjaśnianiu efektywności transformacji w państwach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 1, s. 143-157, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.1.6.
The aim of the article is to show the explanatory and prognostic power of theories of international relations (neorealism, neo-liberal institutionalism and social constructivism) in the situation of visible problems with predicting the end of the Cold War and explaining the democratization process in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and other parts of the world. In the face of significant changes that have influenced the formation of a new post-Cold War international order, it is necessary to consider the importance of the theory in adopting appropriate research strategies so that on the one hand, it is possible to predict the course of events with some degree of probability and on the other, to explain their essence and importance. The end of the Cold War and the process of transforming the countries of Central and Eastern Europe thus pose a general and extremely important question about the possibility of developing a scientific approach to the analysis of international relations, which goes beyond only short-term observation of current events. The article analyzes the most important theoretical approaches in the context of adopting such a research strategy, thanks to which one could depart from the dominance of extreme, mutually exclusive positions. The great debates that have been held so far have shown that wealth in science is not a one-sided approach, even if at some point or time we are dealing with the supremacy of a particular theory or a methodological approach. The fiasco of the science of international relations in predicting the end of the Cold War has shown the necessity of ndertaking such activities whose task would be to combine rather than exclude. The end of the Cold War and the transformation process of Central and Eastern Europe are therefore treated as case studies that help in testing the theory of international relations as adequate instruments for analyzing the changing international situation.
A. Podraza, Koniec zimnej wojny, transformacja Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej a moc eksplanacyjna i prognostyczna teorii stosunków międzynarodowych, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo--Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 1, s. 159-178, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.1.7.
After thirty years of transformation in Central and Eastern Europe, we can see differences in the economic development of individual countries. In the paper, we decided to analyse those differences in transformation paths, economic growth and environmental degradation by carbon dioxide emission. The analysis of economic growth covers the years 1995–2017, and for the emission of carbon dioxide, the years 1995–2014. The results of the study show that the transformation in countries closer to Western Europe was faster, which contributed to faster economic growth. It is noticeable that in the following years, this economic growth in this region was stimulated by the process of European integration. What draws today’s attention is the distinctive economic growth of the Baltic States. On the other hand, carbon dioxide emissions in most countries in the region decreased in the analysed period, which has been a positive change. We are aware, however, that the presented analysis and conclusions can be treated only as an introduction to subsequent detailed studies of the environmental Kuznets curve concept.
L. Gruszecki, P. Kyophilavong, B. Jóźwik, Transformacja, wzrost gospodarczy i środowisko przyrodnicze w państwach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 1, s. 179-195, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.1.8.
The article aims to empirically indicate the share and industry characteristics of the largest state-owned enterprises in five selected countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Furthermore, based on the analysis, an attempt is made to answer relevant research questions: Whether and to what extent after almost 30 years of transition have the economies of the analysed countries become similar to the economies of selected developed countries of Western Europe with regard to the scope of state ownership in the economy? If so, to what extend? Could the economies of the analysed countries be seen as an occurrence of growing importance of state-owned enterprises after the financial crisis of 2008–2009, referred to in the literature as the “return of state-owned enterprises”? The analysis of the scope of state ownership in the economy was made using the processed and completed source data contained in the Orbis database. The study consists of three parts. The first part presents methodological assumptions of the analysis, definitions, description of data sources and basic characteristics of the studied set of enterprises. The second part contains data on state-owned enterprises in the analysed countries, divided into the state-owned and statecontrolled with a minority shareholding also includes industry-specific analysis. The third part contains synthetic international comparisons and a retrospective analysis, including the status and characteristics of state-owned enterprises in the surveyed countries in 2009, 2013 and 2017. The conclusions contained in the summary indicate a significant diversification of the scope and importance of state enterprises in the economies of the analysed countries.
M. Bałtowski, M. Gołębiowska, Udział i charakterystyka największych przedsiębiorstw państwowych w gospodarkach wybranych krajów Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 1, s. 197-215, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.1.9.
The study aims to verify the existence of convergence of 28 European Union (EU) members and 16 non-EU post-socialist countries. The analysis covers the 1995–2018 period. The research has also been conducted for shorter subperiods: 1995–2004, 2004–2018, and 2010–2018. Three types of convergence are taken into account: beta (less developed countries exhibit a faster rate of economic growth than more developed ones), sigma (income differentiation decreases over time), and gamma (countries change their ranks in the GDP per capita ranking). The study confirms the existence of β-, σ-, and γ-convergence in both groups of countries. Convergence, however, is not an automatic phenomenon and there are years in which σ-divergence and γ-divergence were observed.
M. Próchniak, Konwergencja beta, sigma i gamma krajów postsocjalistycznych do Europy Zachodniej, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 1, s. 217-243, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.1.10.
In the process of globalization of national economies, multinational enterprises are now playing an increasingly important role. Along with the growth of the importance of these enterprises, the structure of foreign direct investment (FDI) is also evolving. So far, the majority of FDI was located in highly developed countries, and these investments were made in human capital intensive industries, the majority of which belonged to the services sector. In recent decades, there has been an increase in FDI inflows to developing and transforming countries. It is related to the liberalization and internationalization of their economies, as well as a significant decrease in transport costs and the costs of doing business across national borders. Over the last three decades, Poland also recorded a significant inflow of FDI, becoming one of important recipients of foreign capital among the new EU Member States (EU). The main purpose of this article is to analyze the last three decades of development of companies with foreign capital in Poland. This paper presents a descriptive analysis of FDI trends in Poland, including the number and size of companies with foreign capital, the source of this capital according to the investor’s country of origin, as well as the sectoral and industry structure of FDI in Poland. The results of this analysis allow, among other things, to identify key regularities related to the FDI made in Poland before and after the EU accession, as well as their reference to new theories of a multinational enterprise.
A. Cieślik, Bezpośrednie inwestycje zagraniczne w Polsce: stan obecny i perspektywy rozwoju, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 1, s. 245-263, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.1.11.
The subject of the article is the assessment of the impact of international corporations’ activities on the development of Polish commodity exports against the background of Central European countries in 2004–2018. The detailed analysis covers changes in the value, dynamics, product and geographical structure of exports, the importance of foreign subsidiaries of international corporations in creating export potential and the share of foreign value added in gross exports. The conducted analysis showed a high degree of dependence of Polish exports, as well as those of the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia on the operations of foreign subsidiaries of international corporations. Their share in the total exports exceeded 50% during the analyzed period, and 85% in the exports of cars and trucks, pharmaceuticals, tobacco products, computers, electronic and optical devices. An important factor in the development of exports is the phenomenon of international fragmentation of production processes. It causes an increase in trade turnover in subassemblies and intermediate goods. We can estimate the scale of production fragmentation by measuring the share of foreign value added in gross exports. The highest share of foreign value added occurred in the exports of Hungary and Slovakia and exceeded 40%. In Poland, foreign value added accounted for around 27% of gross exports. In all analyzed countries, foreign value added came mainly from the European Union countries, especially from Germany. In recent years, the share of intermediate goods imported from China has also been growing.
T. Białowąs, Znaczenie korporacji międzynarodowych w eksporcie towarowym Polski na tle państw Europy Środkowej w latach 2004-2018, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 1, s. 265-279, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.1.12.
A state’s treaty policy constitutes a significant aspect of the foreign policy to every country. The transformations in Poland and in the other Central and Eastern European countries launched by the events described as “Autumn of Nations” of 1989 have brought fundamental changes to the several governments and the international community, including Poland’s, which demanded a revision of the Polish treaty policy. Due to the fact that the ilateral Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation reflect the priorities of foreign policy and indicate the characteristics of the bilateral relations, they play particularly important role in the treaty relations of every country. Through the outlook on the transformations in the Polish treaty policy with respect to the Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation made after the governmental changes, this paper attempts to present the interest areas for the Polish foreign policy after 1989.
W. S. Staszewski, Polityka traktatowa Polski w zakresie umów o przyjaźni i współpracy po „Jesieni ludów” 1989 r., „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 1, s. 281-302, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.1.13.
The article discusses the attitude of Poles towards the political transformation in 1989, based on opinion poll surveys, mainly those carried out by the Centre for Public Opinion Research (CBOS) over the last 25 years and focusing on those from 2014–2019. The author presents the conditions in which the opinions about the political transformation were shaped, as well as the factors that influenced this process. Next, she analyzes factors impacting the Polish society’s attitude towards the transformation. The article refers to the public discourse about the past, including the education and media coverage.
A. Tatarenko, Stosunek Polaków do transformacji ustrojowej: główne postawy oraz ich uwarunkowania w obliczu 30. rocznicy upadku komunizmu, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschod-niej” 17 (2019), z. 1, s. 303-317, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.1.14.
The article aims to draw attention to the problem of information security management after the political transformation in Poland after 1989, and to outline issues that result from the evolution of a comprehensive approach to the world around us and new threats in the 21st century. Information security management in the age of knowledge-based society is an extremely important problem. The very approach to this issue must be systemic and well thought out in every organization. Information security is primarily a form of trust, which is supported by proper analyzes and a specific ttitude of a person, social group or the general society towards the accessibility and quality of acquired, stored, used and transmitted information. We ust remember that the use of integrated solutions in the field of information and information systems is inevitable in a world with rapidly growing digital resources.
M. Szabaciuk, Transformacja systemów zarządzania bezpieczeństwem informacji w Polsce po 1989 r., „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 1, s. 319-332, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.1.15.
The main purpose of the article is to present how the Greek-Macedonian naming dispute influenced the problem of implementation the international identity of Macedonia. Despite the initial problems of the government in Skopje related to determining their international identity, Macedonians managed to define the principles regarding the identification of a new state on the international stage. As a small country with limited attributes to shape its international position, Macedonia has basically been determined to seek guarantees for its existence and security in stable and predictable European international structures such as NATO and the European Union. The main obstacle for Macedonians on the road to Euro-Atlantic structures was the veto of Greece, a member of these organizations, resulting from Athens’ refusal to accept the name the Republic of Macedonia. The Prespa Agreement of 2018 gave a new impetus to the realization of the international identity of North Macedonia.
A. Adamczyk, M. Karadzoski, Wyzwanie dla tożsamości międzynarodowej Macedonii – grecko-macedoński spór o nazwę państwa, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 1, s. 333-350, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.1.16.
This article takes up the innovatory subject of cooperation in the field of football and the tourism sector by the Visegrad Group states. The subject matter of this study has not been widely discussed in the literature, hence most of de lege ferenda postulates are open to further discussion. The current Visegrad Group was created as a political project, not an evolutionary social initiative. This does not mean, however, that the societies of its member states are significantly different from each other, and the structure itself is exotic. The benefits of an extended cooperation, which seems not to have an alternative, for all the participants are fully understood. Therefore, the direction of common thinking about maximizing profits in the developing sector of tourism, and making the most of the social potential of football, can be an attractive platform for international dialogue and extended cooperation among the V4 countries. The baggage of history, geographic and cultural proximity, the migration crisis, as well as the imperialist policy of the neighbouring Russia effectively motivate to strengthen cooperation and create stronger mechanisms with each other. It is indisputable that the tendencies for cooperation in the Visegrad countries are not a novelty.
M. Rafał, D. Borek, Potencjał kooperacji turystycznej i piłkarskiej w państwach Grupy Wyszehradzkiej, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 1, s. 351-375, DOI: 10.36874/RIESW.2019.1.17.