In this paper, I demonstrate the process of treating asylum seekers and refugees as a dangerous enemy. Those two groups of immigrants find themselves at the receiving end of measures that infringe basic humanitarian laws and human rights, and are so inhumane that no one would ever dare to introduce them on their own citizens. Equating refugees with terrorists and prioritizing security constitute two pillars of the ruling parties’ policy in Poland and Hungary. Apart from technical security measures (like fences), both governments adopt additional instruments to discourage migrants from coming or encourage them to leave (like creating obstacles to let them onto the territory of the country, refusing to grant them international protection, making their integration difficult or almost impossible). Such activity fulfils the definition of “Fortress Europe”, which is not only about building stone walls or fences but about increasing control of every aspect of migrants’ lives as well.
W. Klaus, ‘Closing Gates to Refugees: The Causes and Effects of the 2015 “Migration Crisis” on Border Management in Hungary and Poland’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 15, No. 3, 2017, pp. 11-34.
In the run-up to Brexit, the British referendum on leaving the European Union (EU), immigration was one of the top issues of concern to voters. Discussions about immigration dominated the campaigns, with the “Vote Leave” campaign linking leaving the EU with the opportunity to prevent immigration into the United Kingdom (UK). The focus on this was in part due to the migration and ‘refugee crisis’ in Europe that coincided with the referendum. This paper presents an analysis of how the key players in the Brexit debate focused on immigration. The question is, therefore, how did the participants in the Brexit debate talk about immigration and what did this talk accomplish. Discourse analysis of campaign coverage reveals that: 1. Leave campaigners presented immigration as out of control, including that from within and outside of the EU and those arriving in Europe as refugees; 2. “Remain” campaigners presented Brexit as an ineffective way of controlling migration; and, 3., in limited cases, immigration was presented as beneficial. The conclusion is that the focus on immigration appeared to have been a major factor in the eventual success of the Leave campaign. Although it remains to be seen what impact Brexit will have on immigration, opposition to immigration has become mainstream.
S. Goodman, ‘“Take Back Control of Our Borders”: The Role of Arguments about Controlling Immigration in the Brexit Debate’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 15, No. 3, 2017, pp. 35-53.
The Netherlands is a country with long-standing ties to migration. It once offered a new home to many people whose religious beliefs, political views or economic situation had forced them out of their countries of origin. For many years, the country implemented a model of a multicultural society, which essentially meant “live and let live”. But the external situation, the radicalization of sentiments in other European and non-European societies, and conflicts in North Africa and the Middle East that have triggered further waves of refugees, have sparked fears and the desire to shut oneself off from danger. This atmosphere provides fuel for populist politicians. Dutch society is moving away from the model it has been known for—tolerance. What the new model in the Netherlands will be, depends on how the Dutch authorities manage the dialogue with the Dutch public.
M. Pacek, ‘The Netherlands and the Migration Crisis’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 15, No. 3, 2017, pp. 55-72.
This paper discusses European attempts at Roma integration, focusing on the Council of Europe (CoE) and its Roma-Mediation (ROMED) programs (both I and II) that use the tools of empowerment and cultural mediation on the local level to promote Roma participation in the decisionmaking process. The aim is to provide an overview of the emergence of Roma integration policies designed and implemented to fight the exclusion many Roma face across Europe and to situate CoE’s ROMED among recent developments. The paper is based on the literature that highlights Roma exclusion, on reviewing policy documents from international and European organizations and non-governmental bodies, and finally, on specific program publications.
Ch. Iliadis, ‘Empowering Roma People in Europe: Council of Europe’s Programs on Roma Mediation’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 15, No. 3, 2017, pp 73-89.
This paper describes the identity, assimilation and loyalty issues concerning the Croatian community in Hungary. In the regions of Central Europe and the northern Balkans, several Catholic southern Slavic ethnic groups have developed, each with their own identities, and throughout the 19th and 20th centuries most of them joined the national integration of Croats. However, this integration process has not been completed in all cases, and several groups remain the subjects of political games between Croatian-Serbian and Croatian-Serbian-Hungarian players. The paper analyzes the national integration process of mainly the Bunjevci and Bosniak groups of the Croatian community in Hungary in the new re-bordering period.
M. Kitanics, N. Pap, ‘De-bordering, Re-bordering and Integration of the Croatian Minority of Hungary’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 15, No. 3, 2017, pp. 91-111.
The subject of this paper is how cooperation with the European Union (EU) influences the formation of Ukraine’s migration policy. It gives a brief overview of the initial period of this cooperation, which started with the signing of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the European Communities and their Member States, and Ukraine (PCA). This paper closely examines the current state of Ukraine’s policy towards migration. It shows how the 2010 Action Plan on Visa Liberalization with the EU (VLAP) influenced the reform of migration management policies in Ukraine. It analyzes in greater detail the Concept of State Migration Policy of Ukraine (2011), the Law on External Labor Migration (2015) and the newly adopted Strategy of State Migration Policy of Ukraine for the Period up to 2025 (2017). The final part of this paper determines the major problems of Ukraine’s migration policy and prospects for its further development. This paper also contains recommendations how to improve the Action Plan on the Strategy of State Migration Policy implementation, currently in the process of elaboration.
H. Bazhenova, ‘The European Vector of Ukrainian Migration Policy’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 15, No. 3, 2017, pp. 113-133.
After the breakup of the USSR, sovereign initiatives revitalized ethnic, religious and national origins. The basic legitimation strategy of the newly created states became the merger of the so-called “new ethnicity” with strategic descent, then de-Russification. In the 21st century, these initiatives have been hampered and Russian language has again become a highly positioned tool for geopolitical influence in the region. The aim of this article is to analyze the catalog of language influence tools in the soft power of the Russian Federation and to show the importance of using this instrument in the geopolitical relations of the region.
J. Olędzka, ‘Russian Language as a Tool of Geopolitical Influence’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 15, No. 3, 2017, pp. 135-163.
The aim of this paper is to explore the issue of Russian-speaker nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the Baltic states that are engaged in the promotion of Russian culture and language as well as in the representation of Russian-speakers’ rights. As many surveys and much research concerning the Russian-speaking diaspora in the Baltic states have been conducted, it is important to indicate the characteristics of these NGOs as an essential factor of articulating the diaspora’s interests. In the empirical analysis, the author will use quantitative and qualitative measures of these organizations’ form, structure, activities, and members. As a result, it is argued that these NGOs in the Baltic states are moderately successful. While it is an opportunity for the Russian-speaking diaspora to mediate between society, the state authorities and the international community, these NGOs have influenced the consolidation of the Russian-speaking population in the Baltic states only to a small extent. Additionally, under some circumstances, these NGOs can be considered to comprise a Russian soft power tool of influence in the Baltic states.
A. Kuczyńska-Zonik, ‘Russian-speaker NGOs in the Baltic States’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 15, No. 3, 2017, pp. 165-183.
This paper explores the position of the Lithuanian students at the Polish Stefan Batory University (SBU) during the period of 1919-1939 in Vilnius. The author analyzes the development of the Lithuanian historical narrative on this question and the activity of the Lithuanian Academic Union (LAU). The main goal of this paper is to show the activity of the Lithuanian students, and their place both in the academic community of the university and in the society of the Lithuanian national minority in interwar Poland.
T. Błaszczak, ‘Lithuanian Students at Stefan Batory University: Creating New Lithuanian Elites in Interwar Vilnius’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 15, No. 3, 2017, pp. 185-206.