Issue 4 | Institute of Central Europe

Article

The Western Balkans on its path to the European Union

Silvana Mojsovska

Views count: 1384

EU membership has been a compelling goal for the Western Balkans (Albania, Bosnia and Hercegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia), related to the bloc’s stability, economic prosperity and higher standard of living. Each of these countries pursues its own process of EU accession while being also a part of the regional initiatives under the auspices of the EU. This paper provides an overview of the EU accession process of the Western Balkan countries, focusing on their individual achievements and challenges, as well as common features and problems. Also, the content and prospects of regional integration of the Western Balkans through the Regional Economic Area (REA) programme, along with the role of the EU in supporting the regional perspective are discussed. The parallel Western Balkans engagement in both processes supports arguments for the prioritisation of the individual countries’ accession to the EU over Western Balkans regional integration, distinguishing also the challenges of both processes. The methodology for the elaboration of this paper includes methods of analysis and synthesis, based on extensive desk research of available materials.

Silvana Mojsovska, The Western Balkans on its path to the European Union, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 4, s. 9-24, DOI: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2019.4.1

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Article

Small states’ marginality constellations and the challenges to the Europeanisation of the Western Balkans in the last decade (en translation)

Marko Kovačević

Views count: 1284

By focusing on the Western Balkans, this paper asks two questions: first, how small states that are both EU members and candidates for membership understand their role within this normatively powered order and, second, what their roles and agency mean for the order they are socialised into via democratic norms. The notions of hierarchies and orders are conceptualised in this paper as processes of norm diffusion and understood within the socialisation of democratic norms, which, according to the literature, can be institutionalised, rejected, or modified locally. First, I argue that such measurements can help us understand how the EU’s practices shape the broader understanding of its actorness in normative and strategic terms toward the Western Balkans. Second, I scrutinise national strategies related to the processes of state-building, security, economy, and society to demonstrate how Serbia and Croatia present their agency as supporting and affirming of the prevalent conception of order in norm localisation, or being more critical of it in the process of localised norm contestation. Third, the effects of EU approaches that provide more tactical and technical views of Europeanisation, rather than (a strategic) full thrust on enlargement, are discussed in the conclusion by bringing the comparative insights together and parsing them by means of the shelter theory for small states.

M. Kovačević, Small states’ marginality constellations and the challenges to the Europeanisation of the Western Balkans in the last decade, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej”17 (2019), z. 4, s. 25-48, DOI: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2019.4.2.

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Article

The Southern Gas Corridor infrastructure project – implications for the energy security of the European Union (en translation)

Justyna Misiągiewicz

Views count: 1254

Nowadays, energy security is a growing concern in state foreign policy. Interdependency in the energy field is a very important dimension of contemporary relations between states and transnational corporations. Energy security is becoming a key issue for the European Union (EU). The Union is one of the world’s fastest-growing energy markets and the biggest importer of energy resources. For the foreseeable future, Europe’s energy dependence will probably increase. Facing a shortage of energy, Europe is dependent on imports and the EU member states need to diversify their energy supplies. The Caspian region contains some of the largest undeveloped oil and gas reserves in the world. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the newly independent Caspian states became open to foreign investment. The growing energy needs have given the EU a strong interest in developing ties with energy-producing states in the Caspian region to build the necessary pipeline infrastructure. In this analysis, the pipeline infrastructure that exists or will be built in the near future will be presented. The analysis will concentrate on routes transporting gas from the Caspian region and the most important problems and solutions in designing the midstream energy system in the region. The key aim of the article is to analyse the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC) infrastructure project, which will inevitably contribute to the EU’s energy security interest.

J. Misiągiewicz, The Southern Gas Corridor infrastructure project – implications for the energy security of the European Union, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 4, s. 79-99, DOI: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2019.4.4.

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Article

The geopolitical dimensions of the TurkStream pipeline

Kinga Smoleń

Views count: 1233

The empirical goal of this paper is to conduct an analysis of the geopolitical dimensions of the TurkStream pipeline, with special consideration given to its determinants as well as a diagnosis of the geopolitical implications of its geographical extent. To explore this problem, the following hypotheses are offered. First, the inauguration of the second branch of the TurkStream pipeline in the beginning of 2020 will strengthen the monopolistic position of Russia as a supplier of natural gas to the countries of the European Union. This will increase the dependency of the EU on Russia and severely hamper its ability to formulate a unified, cohesive energy policy. Second, two factors that underlie the geopolitical importance of the TurkStream pipeline are Turkey’s and Southern Europe’s natural gas needs on the one hand and the political and economic interests of Russia, Turkey, and Ukraine on the other. Third, the TurkStream project should be seen as an instrument that serves to build a tactical partnership between Turkey and Russia – a partnership underpinned by the strategic interests of both countries in the Middle East. Fourth and finally, Russia’s gradual withdrawal from directing its natural gas through Ukraine will generate serious economic problems and potential energy shortages in that country. In the long term, this pressure is geared toward forcing Ukraine to re-evaluate the pro-Western trajectory of its foreign policy.

K. Smoleń, The geopolitical dimensions of the TurkStream pipeline, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 17 (2019), z. 4, s. 101-121, DOI: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2019.4.5.

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Article

The impact of the European Union visa liberalisation process on the reduction of organised crime and corruption in Kosovo

Paulina Szeląg

Views count: 1217

On January 19, 2012, the European Commission (Commission) decided to launch a visa liberalisation dialogue with Kosovo, and on June 14, 2012, it handed over to Kosovo’s government a ‘Roadmap Towards a Visa-free Regime’. This document included 95 requirements that Kosovo had to fulfil. By 2016, the Commission had adopted four reports on progress made by Kosovo in the visa dialogue. In a report issued on May 4, 2016, the EC proposed to the Council of the EU (Council) and the European Parliament (EP) to lift visa requirements on the citizens of Kosovo. The Commission stressed that by the day of the adoption of the proposal by the EP and the Council, Kosovo must have ratified the border/boundary agreement with Montenegro and strengthened its track record in the fight against organised crime and corruption. On July 18, 2018, the Commission confirmed in a report on the progress made by Kosovo in the visa dialogue, that the country had fulfilled the last two requirements included in the roadmap. The aim of this article is to analyse the visa-liberalisation dialogue between the European Union (EU) and Kosovo and whether liberalisation through a visa-free regime with Kosovo had an influence on reducing organised crime and corruption in Kosovo. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, as well as statistical data.

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Article

New Balkan migration route and its impact on transit countries

Magdalena Rekść

Views count: 1213

In 2015, global public opinion was shaken by the migration crisis, as wave after wave of refugees from the Middle East, primarily from Syria, tried to get from Turkey and Greece to Western Europe via the so-called ‘Balkan Route’. In time, the situation only seemed to be resolved. In the Balkan countries, there still are, according to estimates, tens of thousands of migrants who failed to get farther west, and more are constantly arriving. Meanwhile, since 2018, one can speak of a new, though a much smaller wave of immigrants who are trying to get from Greece to Croatia (and thus to the European Union), increasingly often bypassing Albania, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina along the way. The aim of this paper is to draw attention to the phenomenon of the so-called ‘New Balkan Route’ and the problems it creates for the Balkans.

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Article

The referendum as an institution in the Black Sea Region: Does it signal the rise or collapse of democracy?

Małgorzata Podolak

Views count: 1144

Views on the institution of direct democracy have changed during the period of democratic transition. The various advantages and positive effects of direct democracy have been confirmed by the practice of some democratic countries. Its educational and political activation value for society was also noted, without which civil society cannot form. The referendum is especially treated as the purest form of correlation between the views of society and the decisions of its representatives. In a situation where two representative bodies are present – the parliament and the president – a referendum is considered a means of resolving disputes between them in important state affairs. The referendum is nowadays becoming more than just a binding or consultative opinion on a legislative act, especially a constitution. First and foremost, it is important to see the extension of the type and scope of issues that are subject to direct voting. Apart from the traditional, i.e., constitutional changes, polarising issues that raise considerable emotion have become the subject of referenda. Problems of this type include, in particular, moral issues, membership in international organisations, and so-called ‘New Policy’. This article presents the role and importance of the referendum as an institution shaping the democratic systems of the Black Sea Region.

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Article

Dynamics of the Serbian EU accession process – key issues and the challenges of state democratisation in an era of populism

Mirella Korzeniewska-Wiszniewska

Views count: 986

The current Serbian authorities (aligned with the Serbian Progressive Party) have pushed Serbia towards effective reforms over the past several years and improved its image on the international arena through an intensified diplomatic offensive after 2015. This has led to a situation in which the Serbian state became a political and economic partner in both regional and integration projects. The latter is demonstrated by the arduous but progressive accession process to the European Union. After 2000, international and Serbian public opinion greeting the end of the regime of Slobodan Milošević expected rapid democratisation of the state based on statements by Serbian politicians who had declared a West European course of the state. The short-lived rule of Prime Minister Zoran Đinđić, confirmed this; however, the policy of his successors was no longer so unambiguous. For almost a decade, Serbia oscillated between populism and declared democratisation, without making major changes, expected by both society and the European Union. When after the year 2012 the Serbian Progressive Party came to power (the party was founded as a conservative grouping and had radical roots), it seemed that the Serbian state would be pushed towards a more conservative, anti-European and nationalist direction. However, that did not happen. Opinion about the last six years of the group’s rule is varied. This paper aims to try to answer the question whether during the party’s rule, Serbia has been democratising and whether in this era of nationalist movements and populism, the country has a chance at real democratisation and finishing the process of accession to the EU?

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Vlada Republike Srbije, Преговарачка позиција Републике Србије за Међувладину конференцију о приступању Републике Србије Европској унији за поглавље 7 Право интелектуалне својине [Pregovaračka po- zicija Republike Srbije za Međuvladinu konferenciju o pristupanju Re- publike Srbije Evropskoj uniji za poglavlje 7 Pravo intelektualne svojine], Beograd 2017, http://www.mei.gov.rs/upload/documents/pristupni_pre- govori/pregovaracke_pozicije/Republika_Srbija_Pregovaracko_poglav- lje_7_srpska_verzija.pdf [13.10.2019].

Vlada Republike Srbije, Преговарачка позиција Републике Србије за Међувладину конференцију о приступању Републике Србије Европској унији за Поглавље 9 „Финансијске услуге” [Pregovaračka pozicija Re- publike Srbije za Međuvladinu konferenciju o pristupanju Republike Srbije Evropskoj uniji za Poglavlje 9 „Finansijske usluge”], Beograd 2018, http:// www.mei.gov.rs/upload/documents/pristupni_pregovori/pregovaracke_ pozicije/pregovaracka_pozicija_PG_9.pdf [14.10.2019].

Vlada Republike Srbije, Преговарачкa позицијa Републике Србије за Међувладину конференцију о приступању Републике Србије Европској унији за Преговарачко поглавље 13 – Рибарство [Pregovaračka pozici- ja Republike Srbije za Međuvladinu konferenciju o pristupanju Republike Srbije Evropskoj uniji za Pregovaračko poglavlje 13 – Ribarstvo], Beograd 2017, http://www.mei.gov.rs/upload/documents/pristupni_pregovori/ pregovaracke_pozicije/pg_pozicija_13.pdf [14.10.2019].

Vlada Republike Srbije, Преговарачка позиција Републике Србије за Међувладину конференцију о приступању Републике Србије Европској унији за Поглавље 17 „Економска и монетарна политика” [Pregovaračka pozicija Republike Srbije za Međuvladinu konferenciju o pristupanju Republike Srbije Evropskoj uniji za Poglavlje 17 „Ekonom- ska i monetarna politika”], Beograd 2018, http://www.mei.gov.rs/upload/ documents/pristupni_pregovori/pregovaracke_pozicije/pozicija_pg_17. pdf [14.10.2019].

Vlada Republike Srbije, Преговарачка позиција Републике Србије за Међувладину конференцију о приступању Републике Србије Европској унији за Поглавље 18 „Статистика” [Pregovaračka pozicija Republike Srbije za Međuvladinu konferenciju o pristupanju Republike Srbije Evrop- skoj uniji za Poglavlje 18 „Statistika”], Beograd 2018, http://www.mei.gov.rs/upload/documents/pristupni_pregovori/pregovaracke_pozicije/pozicija_pg_17.pdf [14.10.2019].

Vlada Republike Srbije, Преговарачка позиција Републике Србије за Међувладину конференцију о приступању Републике Србије Европској унији за Поглавље 20 „Предузетништво и индустријска политика” [Pregovaračka pozicija Republike Srbije za Međuvladinu konferenciju o pristupanju Republike Srbije Evropskoj uniji za Poglavlje 20 „Preduzetništvo i industrijska politika”], Beograd 2017, http://www.mei. gov.rs/upload/documents/pristupni_pregovori/pregovaracke_pozicije/ pregovaracka_pozicija_srbije_poglavlje_20.pdf [13.10.2019].

Vlada Republike Srbije, Преговарачка позиција Републике Србије у оквиру Међувладине конференције о приступању Републике Србије Европској унији за Поглавље 23. „Правосуђе и основна права” [Pregovaračka po- zicija Republike Srbije u okviru Međuvladine konferencije o pristupanju Republike Srbije Evropskoj uniji za Poglavlje 23. „Pravosuđe i osnovna pra- va”], Beograd 2016, http://www.mei.gov.rs/upload/documents/pristupni_ pregovori/pregovaracke_pozicije/pg_23_pregovaracka_pozicija_srbije. pdf [13.10.2019].

Vlada Republike Srbije, Преговарачка позиције Републике Србије за Међувладину конференцију о приступању Републике Србије Европској унији за Поглавље 25 „Наука и истраживање” [Pregovaračka pozicije Republike Srbije za Međuvladinu konferenciju o pristupanju Republike Sr- bije Evropskoj uniji za Poglavlje 25 „Nauka i istraživanje”], Beograd 2016, http://www.mei.gov.rs/upload/documents/pristupni_pregovori/prego- varacke_pozicije/pg_poglavlje_pg_25.pdf [13.10.2019].

Vlada Republike Srbije, Преговарачка позиција Републике Србије за Међувладину конференцију о приступању Републике Србије Европској унији за Поглавље 26 „Образовање и култура” [Pregovaračka pozicija Republike Srbije za Međuvladinu konferenciju o pristupanju Republike Srbije Evropskoj uniji za Poglavlje 26 „Obrazovanje i kultura”], Beograd 2016, http://www.mei.gov.rs/upload/documents/pristupni_pregovori/pre- govaracke_pozicije/pregovaracka_pozicija_srbije_pg_26.pdf [13.10.2019].

Vlada Republike Srbije, Преговарачка позиција Републике Србије за Међувладину конференцију о приступању Републике Србије Европској унији за поглавље 29 „Царинска унија” [Pregovaračka pozicija Republike Srbije za Međuvladinu konferenciju o pristupanju Republike Srbije Evrop- skoj uniji za poglavlje 29 „Carinska unija”], Beograd 2017, http://www.mei. gov.rs/upload/documents/pristupni_pregovori/pregovaracke_pozicije/ Pregovaracka_pozicija_29_srpski_tekst_19062017_locked.pdf [13.10.2019].

Vlada Republike Srbije, Преговарачка позиција Републике Србије за Међувладину конференцију о приступању Републике Србије Европској унији за Преговарачко поглавље 30 – Економски односи са иностранством [Pregovaračka pozicija Republike Srbije za Međuvladinu konferenciju o pristupanju Republike Srbije Evropskoj uniji za Pregovaračko poglavlje 30 – Ekonomski odnosi sa inostranstvom], Beograd 2017, http://www.mei.gov.rs/upload/documents/pristupni_pregovori/pregovaracke_pozicije/pregovaracka_pozicija_rs_pg_30.pdf [14.10.2019].

Vlada Republike Srbije, Преговарачка позиција Републике Србије за Међувладину конференцију о приступању Републике Србије Европској унији за поглавље 32 Финансијски надзор [Pregovaračka pozicija Re- publike Srbije za Međuvladinu konferenciju o pristupanju Republike Srbije Evropskoj uniji za poglavlje 32 Finansijski nadzor], Beograd 2014, http:// www.mei.gov.rs/upload/documents/pristupni_pregovori/pregovaracke_pozicije/pg32_pregovaracka_pozicija_srb.pdf [13.10.2019].

Vlada Republike Srbije, Преговарачка позиција Републике Србије за Међувладину конференцију о приступању Републике Србије Европској унији за Преговарачко поглавље 33 – Финансијска и буџетска питања [Pregovaračka pozicija Republike Srbije za Međuvladinu konferenciju o pristupanju Republike Srbije Evropskoj uniji za Pregovaračko poglav- lje 33 – Finansijska i budžetska pitanja], Beograd 2017, http://www.mei. gov.rs/upload/documents/pristupni_pregovori/pregovaracke_pozicije/pg_pozicija_33.pdf [14.10.2019].

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