Cooperation Formats in Central and Eastern Europe: Determinants, Current State of Affairs, and Perspectives

Issue editor: Beata Surmacz, Tomasz Stępniewski

ISSN: 1732-1395

e-ISSN: 2719-2911

Publisher: Instytut Europy Środkowej

Edition: Lublin 2023




International health security

Views count: 76
The paper proposes the classification of health security as one of the non-military security dimensions of the second generation, determined more by globalization processes than by the end of the Cold War (first generation). The cognitive goal of the article is to identify and analyse the elements of the structure of international health security such as 1) the essence and specificity of securitization of threats to health security; 2) health security threats; 3) the referent object or whom it concerns; and 4) measures to ensure it. Specific to this dimension is the political motivation for its securitization. In the world of interrelated and global mobilities, what is significant for health security is the diversity of the development level, preferred values, and, consequently, the diversity of sensitivity and susceptibility of national healthcare systems to cross-border threats.
M. Pietraś, International health security, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 21 (2023), z. 2, s. 7-34, DOI:

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Health policies in the Balkan Region – overview and chosen examples

Views count: 62
This article is a review of basic information on health policies and an introduction to the issue of their design and implementation in the Balkans. The purpose of this article is to discuss the general characteristics of health policies in the Balkans, the challenges and opportunities related to their determination, and implementation in the region and selected countries. The materials used in the preparation of the article are international publications and source documents regulating the issues raised in selected countries as well as studies of the International Health Organization. The methods used in the course of the work were analysis of source documents and data analysis. The work resulted in an article that concisely introduces the reader to the complex issue of health policies in a region still recovering from the armed conflict of the 1990s. The analysis of this issue indicates a deep differentiation of the undertaken activities and financing tools while emphasizing the similarity and often commonality of solutions. This is due to the level of development of individual countries, their economic capabilities, and the degree of advancement in integration processes with the European Union.
P. Olszewski, P. Stolarczyk, Health policies in the Balkan Region – an overview and chosen examples, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 21 (2023), z. 2, s. 35-53, DOI:

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The European Political Community: A Polish perspective

Views count: 95
This article seeks to investigate the birth and evolution of the European Political Community – a pan-European multilateral coordination format that has emerged at the initiative of France and in reaction to the Russian full-scale military aggression in Ukraine. The analysis draws on official speeches, think-tank briefs, and the Author’s participatory observation conducted during international expert meetings held in early 2023. It is argued that the EPC is still a “moving target” in the early stage of development, where both its objectives and structure are not yet fully defined. From a Polish perspective, it has so far sent a key strategic message to Russia and can serve as a vehicle to re-engage with the United Kingdom or Turkey. But it should not be used as yet another ENP-style waiting room for candidates seeking EU membership.

A. K. Cianciara, The European Political Community: A Polish perspective, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 21 (2023), z. 2, s. 55-71, DOI:

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The hydrogen policy of the Visegrad Countries. A comparative study

Views count: 78
The present paper aims to analyse and compare the preconditions for implementing hydrogen strategies in the Visegrad countries. This study attempts to verify that hydrogen policies are going to be implemented at different rates, thereby delaying their introduction. It is extremely important to assert this claim in the context of the energy crisis, the war in Ukraine, and the European Union’s aspirations to achieve low-carbon economy goals and energy self-sufficiency policies at both the national and EU levels. Furthermore, the study attempts to provide answers to the following research questions: firstly, does the hydrogen policy have a realistic chance of being implemented in the Visegrad region? Secondly, will it be implemented in the indicated form and extent of cooperation?

J. Marzec, The hydrogen policy of the Visegrad Countries: A comparative study, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 21 (2023), z. 2, s. 73-90, DOI:

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Regional cooperation formats and the issue of military security of post-conflict states. Case study of the South-East European Cooperation Process

Views count: 71
The South-East European Cooperation Process (SEECP) was launched in 1996, however, its functioning is an ongoing research phenomenon. This regional cooperation format includes all 13 states of South-East Europe. It was established as a forum of political dialogue and consultation, where regional issues could be addressed at the highest level. One of the objectives of the SEECP was security cooperation. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of the SEECP in maintaining security in the region of the Western Balkans. This article argues that since 1996, the SEECP has been evolving and is becoming an important format of regional cooperation in South East Europe, however, it plays a limited role in maintaining the military security of the post-conflict states of the Western Balkans. From the point of view of the members of the SEECP, military security and peace could be obtained through the integration of the participants of the SEECP, in particular those located in the Western Balkans, with the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The article also shows that establishing the SEECP did not eliminate tensions and riots based on ethnicity in some states of the Western Balkans and so, the SEECP still has a lot to do in the matters of reconciliation and good-neighbourliness. The article is based on primary and secondary source analysis, case study method comparative analysis, and the historical method.
P. Szeląg, Regional cooperation formats and the issue of military security of post-conflict states. Case study of the South-East European Cooperation Process, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 21 (2023), z. 2, s. 91-107, DOI:

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5. Chisinau Declaration of the 12th Meeting of the Heads of State and Government of the South-East European Cooperation Process (SEECP), Chisinau, 5 June 2009,

6. European Union External Action. What we do: Policies and Actions. Missions and Operations. Working for a stable world and a safer Europe, 23 January 2023,

7. Hyde A., Seizing the initiative: The importance of regional cooperation in Southeast Europe and the prominent role of the Southeast European cooperation process, “Southeast European and Black Sea Studies” 2004, vol. 4, no. 1, pp.1-22.

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15. SEECP Antalya Summit Declaration,

16. SEECP Brdo Summit Declaration, Brdo, 24 April 2018,

17. SEECP Budva Declaration of the 14th Meeting of the Heads of State and Government of the South-East European Cooperation Process, Budva, 30 June 2011,

18. SEECP Bucharest Summit Declaration, Bucharest, 25 June 2014,

19. SEECP Dubrovnik Summit Declaration, Dubrovnik, 30 June 2017,

20. SEECP Ohrid Declaration of the Formal Meeting of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs, Ohrid, 31 May 2013,

21. SEECP Sarajevo-Jahorina Summit Declaration, 9 July 2017,

22. SEECP Sofia Summit Declaration 20th Anniversary of the SEECP – Key to regional Cooperation,

23. SEECP Thessaloniki Summit Declaration, Thessaloniki”, 10 June 2022,

24. SEECP Tirana Summit Declaration, Tirana, 25 May 2015,

25. Sofia Declaration on Good-Neighbourly Relations, Stability, Security and Cooperation in the Balkans, Sofia, 6-7 July 1996,

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Defence diplomacy of the Bucharest Nine (B9) countries during the war in Ukraine. The balance of the first year of the war

Views count: 88
The article concerns the cooperation of NATO’s eastern flank countries in support of war-torn Ukraine. The aim of the discussion is to show the actions of the B9 countries, implementing the ideas and tasks of defence diplomacy, undertaken during the first year of the war (24 February, 2022 – 24 February, 2023). This support took place in several key areas: political, diplomatic, military, and humanitarian. It was of fundamental importance for maintaining the functioning and stability of Ukraine and its fighting capabilities, especially in the early period after the Russian Federation’s invasion. The author tried to verify the following: how was Ukraine supported in practice? Did all B9 countries equally and with the same level of commitment provide assistance in all the identified areas? What factors could potentially strengthen or weaken the B9 countries’ involvement in implementing the ideas of defence diplomacy in Ukraine? The analysis was based on current data and materials made available over the past year in the media and on the Internet.
S. Olszyk, Defence diplomacy of the Bucharest Nine (B9) countries during the war in Ukraine. The balance of the first year of the war, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 21 (2023), z. 2, s. 109-134, DOI:

1. Andrzej Duda przed Radą Najwyższą Ukrainy, 22.05.2022,,54043.

2. Bodalska B., Szczyt B9 o wojnie w Ukrainie i wzmocnieniu wschodniej flanki NATO, 13.06.2022, [24.04.2023].

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Communist Party documents from the period of its rule in Kazakhstan and Poland – a comparative study

Views count: 72
The article is a brief comparison of the documentation system of the Communist Party ruling Poland from 1944 to 1989 and in Kazakhstan from 1918 to 1991. Despite considerable geographical remoteness, there are strong similarities between them in terms of party organisation, office rules and provisions regulating archives. This was caused by the reflection of Soviet models in communist Poland after 1944. The regaining of sovereignty by Poland in 1990 and independence by Kazakhstan in 1992 led to the transfer of documentation from party archives to the state archive service in both countries. As a result, it was possible to study and make them publicly available.
D. Magier, M. Tursynbekovich Shotayev, T. Zhandosovich Makhanbayev, Communist Party documents from the period of its rule in Kazakhstan and Poland: A comparative study, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 21 (2023), z. 2, s. 135-151, DOI:

1. Charczuk W., Dokumentacja MBP, MO, KBW i WP w latach 1944-1954 jako przykład sowietyzacji biurokracji, [in:] A. Górak, D. Magier (eds.), Dzieje biurokracji na ziemiach polskich, vol. 2, Lublin–Siedlce 2000, pp. 333-358.

2. Galuba R., Materiały archiwalne, dokumentacja i archiwa PZPR w polskim prawie archiwalnym, [in:] D. Magier (ed.), Partia komunistyczna w Polsce. Struktury, ludzie, dokumentacja, Lublin–Radzyń Podlaski 2012.

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8. Magier D., Czynności kancelaryjne w komitetach PPR. Przyczynek do badań nad systemami kancelaryjnymi struktur partii komunistycznej w Polsce, [in:] idem (ed.), Partia komunistyczna w Polsce. Struktury, ludzie, dokumentacja, Lublin¬–Radzyń Podlaski 2012, pp. 505-506.

9. Magier D., System biurokratyczny Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej w województwie bialskopodlaskim w latach 1975-1990, Siedlce 2012.

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11. Markowska E., Stan badań nad dziejami kancelarii komunistycznych struktur partyjnych w Polsce w latach 1948-1990, [in:] D. Magier (ed.), Partia komunistyczna w Polsce. Struktury, ludzie, dokumentacja, Lublin–Radzyń Podlaski 2012.

12. Voslensky M., Nomenclature. The ruling class of the Soviet Union, Moscow 1991.





The construction of fake war news. Specificities of disinformation in social media during the first six months of the Ukraine-Russia war (March-September 2022)

Views count: 67
Modern warfare, including the Ukraine-Russia war, relies heavily on disinformation. Fake news on social media is an integral part of this. At the same time, each conflict is characterised by distinct communication specificities and in the context of the complex effects of fake news, questions arise about their specificity for a given conflict. The aim of the presented research was to answer the question of what the various fake news about the Russian-Ukrainian war disseminated in Polish-language social media have in common and what narrative they generate. The analysis covered the construction of the messages as well as their contexts: social, cultural, historical, and political. For this purpose, a three-stage analysis of ten fake news cases disseminated between March and September 2022 was conducted, applying a three-element analytical matrix. The research made it possible to identify the properties of fake news, generated narratives, and their possible effects.
K. Kopecka-Piech, D. Dyksik, M. Sobiech, The construction of fake war news. Specificities of disinformation in social media during the first six months of the Russia-Ukraine war (March-September 2022), „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 21 (2023), z. 2, s. 155-173, DOI:

1. Babacan K., Tam M.S., The information warfare role of social media: Fake news in the Russia-Ukraine war, “Erciyes İletişim Dergisi” 2022, vol. 3, pp. 75-92.

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9. Khan A., Brohman K., Addas S., The anatomy of fake news: Studying false messages as digital objects, “Journal of Information Technology” 2022, vol. 37, no. 2, pp. 122-143.

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11. Kreft J., Boguszewicz-Kreft M., Hliebova D.M., Under the fire of disinformation. attitudes towards fake news in the Ukrainian frozen war, “Journalism Practice” 2023, pp. 1-21.

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14. Lucas E., Pomeranzev P., Winning the information war, [in:] Techniques and counter-strategies to Russian propaganda in Central and Eastern Europe, E. Lucas, P. Pomeranzev (eds.), The Center for European Policy Analysis, Washington 2016, pp.1-66.

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“But then the war started”: The value of diversity in editorial practices during times of war and crisis

Views count: 81
In this article, we analyse the impact of disruptive media events on the perceived value of diversity in editorial practices, with a specific focus on the Polish media debate following the onset of the Ukrainian-Russian war in February 2022. We do this based on a unique dataset derived from in-depth interviews with eight editors representing four different newsrooms conducted before, immediately after, and approximately one year after the start of the war. Our research answers the question of whether newsrooms can defend the value of diversity during the coverage of war and crisis. We also assess the impact of the changed geopolitical context, characterised by nation-building mobilisation and public sentiments of solidarity with Ukrainians, on editorial decisions to mute, delay, or opt out of publishing certain stories. We contribute to research on the epistemologies of journalistic news production during times of crisis, news diversity, and the role of the media in democratic societies.
G. Gober, A. Jupowicz-Ginalska, “But then the war started”: The value of diversity in editorial practices during times of war and crisis, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 21 (2023), z. 2, s. 175-196, DOI:
  1. 1. Anagnostopulu A., Migranci ekonomiczni, czyli kto?, Business Insider, 29 November 2021, Baden C., Springer N., Conceptualizing viewpoint diversity in news discourse, “Journalism” 2017, vol. 18, no. 2, pp. 176-194,

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The spread of Russian disinformation within the Ukrainian information field

Views count: 65
The objective of this study is to identify and analyse the methods of disinformation utilized by Russia to disseminate information in the Ukrainian information field. The main tasks include defining the concept of disinformation and explaining its societal dangers, characterising Information-Psychological Operations (IPSO) as a component of Russia's disinformation campaign against Ukraine and investigating the most prevalent elements utilised by Russia in the dissemination of disinformation. This study is aimed at the synthesis and combination of methods of monitoring, content analysis, and comparative analysis. The article selects publications that exhibit disinformation targeted at Ukrainian society. Disinformation propagated by Russia is subsequently refuted by either foreign or Ukrainian publications, including the “NotaEnota” organisation. The study reveals that Russian disinformation aims to propagate specific narratives and manipulate mass consciousness. Disinformation involves intentionally creating misleading and manipulative content, often in the form of artificially created fakes. The information field of Ukraine has become the primary battleground for Russia's hybrid warfare tactics, which include disinformation, propaganda, and fakes. To effectively counter these tactics, society needs to develop critical thinking skills and media literacy to discern and evaluate information critically. Future research aims to delve deeper into the methods employed in creating disinformation, their objectives, and potential strategies to prevent or counteract their influence.
N. Voitovych, L. Imbirovska-Syvakivska, The spread of Russian disinformation within the Ukrainian information field, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 21 (2023), z. 2, s. 197-211, DOI:

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10. Kitsa M., Feikova informatsiia v ukrainskykh sotsialnykh media: poniattia, vydy, vplyv na audytoriiu, “Naukovi zapysky. Ukrainska akademiia drukarstva. Socialna komunikacii” 2016, vol. 1, no. 52, pp. 281-287.

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16. Pidopryhora I., Umovy ta chynnyky vplyvu na orhanizatsiiu informatsiino-propahandystskoho zabezpechennia viiskovo-morskykh syl zbroinykh syl ukrainy u 2014 rotsi, “Viiskovo-naukovyi visnyk” 2018, vol. 29, pp. 216-229,

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War in Ukraine through the lens of interactive media: A typological study of video games

Views count: 67
The objective of the research was to assess video games related to the Russian-Ukrainian war and categorise them as media tools. The study revealed that computer games are a distinctive and practical medium for journalism. They help to dismantle the opposing side’s narratives and disseminate information globally about the situation in Ukraine. Video games can help Ukrainian society convey to the world the consequences of Russian aggression.
T. Zinovieva, War in Ukraine through the lens of interactive media: A typological study of video games, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 21 (2023), z. 2, s. 213-229, DOI:

1. “Bytva za Ukrainu”, Video game. MaxDmax (dev), 2022,

2. “Chornobaivka. Den babaka”, Video game. Team “39-40” (dev), May 2022,

3. “F**K PUTIN”, Video game. Tornado Games (dev), April 2022,

4. “Farmers stealing tanks”, Video game. Pixelforest (dev), 2022,

5. “Glory to the Heroes”, Video game. Spacedev Games (dev), 2023,

6. “Hroshi, metry, dva avta”, Video game. Data journalism. TEXTY.ORG.UA, 2016,

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Ethical problems with coverage of the Russian-Ukrainian war in online media and social networks

Views count: 76
The purpose of our research was to analyse the influence of social networks on the perception of the war in Ukraine as well as on the course of the struggle in the information field. Today, social networks have become one of the main trendsetters, therefore, to effectively fight against disinformation and enemy information attacks, it is necessary to understand not only the specifics of their audience’s perception of information but also to be well-versed in the specifics of the content generated by social media. For this purpose, we used the comparative method, monitoring, and content analysis. In the article, we give examples of ethical dilemmas that Russia can use to its advantage in the war against Ukraine. For example, social media policies prohibit the posting of sensitive content. This does not allow telling the whole truth about the war, as a result of which not everyone understands the depth of the tragedy. Thanks to this, the world’s reaction to Russia’s criminal actions is not as harsh as it could be. Our research was an attempt not only to outline the problem but also to propose ways to solve it. It is clear that media and ethics are inseparable, but at the same time, it is necessary to understand that ethics cannot hide the truth. In future studies, it is worth investigating more deeply the ethical norms of the coverage of sensitive content, especially about war. Perhaps it would be worthwhile indicating the situations that allow departure from the general rules.
W przyszłych badaniach warto głębiej przyjrzeć się normom etycznym relacjonowania treści drażliwych, zwłaszcza o tematyce wojennej.
Y. Syvakivskyi, I. Krupskyi, Ethical problems with coverage of the Russian-Ukrainian war in online media and social networks, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 21 (2023), z. 2, s. 231-247, DOI:

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