The impact of the Russian Federation upon the countries of Central and Eastern Europe

Redakcja zeszytu: Beata Surmacz

ISSN: 1732-1395

e-ISSN: 2719-2911

Liczba stron: 231

Wydawca: Instytut Europy Środkowej

Wydanie: Lublin 2020




The challenges for Central Europe posed by the rivalry of the Russian Federation below the threshold of war

Liczba wyświetleń: 202
This article identifies the political challenges for Central Europe resulting from the Russian Federation conducting competition below the threshold of war. The main research methods, both inductive and deductive, were analysis and a survey of the existing literature. There is still aggression in international rivalry, and its level is deliberately regulated so as not to cross the threshold of open armed conflict as defined by international law. The contemporary rivalry of the Russian Federation takes on an unlimited scope and goes beyond the physical sphere: the main emphasis in its application is on non-military and non-lethal forms of influence that can be easily combined with kinetic ones. The exploitation of the space between the binary borders of war and peace was practically verified both under the Tsarist Russia and the Soviet Union. It has been confirmed that a great deal of importance in Russia is now attached to unconventional activities and that their application offers great opportunities to achieve strategic objectives without the need to resort to direct military confrontation.
M. Banasik, The challenges for Central Europe posed by the rivalry of the Russian Federation below the threshold of war, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 18(2020), z. 3, s. 9-26, DOI:

Białocerkiewicz, J., Prawo międzynarodowe publiczne. Zarys wykładu, Olsztyn, 2005.

Blank, S.J., Grinter, L.E., Magyar, K.P. et al., Conflict, Culture, and History: Regional Dimensions, Maxwell, 1993, .

Clark, C., ‘CJCS Dunford Calls For Strategic Shifts; “At Peace Or At War Is Insufficient”’, Breaking Defense, 21 September 2016,

Connable, B., Campbell, J.H., Madden, D., Stretching and Exploiting Thresholds for High-Order War. How Russia, China, and Iran Are Eroding American Influence Using Time-Tested Measures Short of War, Santa Monica, 2018,

Deeks, A., McCubbin, S., Poplin, C., ‘Addressing Russian Influence: What Can We Learn From U.S. Cold War Counter-Propaganda Efforts?’, Lawfare Blog, 25 October 2017,,

Defence and National Security Strategic Review 2017 – Key Points, Paris, 2017,

Dickey, J.V., Everett, T.B, Galvach, Z.M. et al., Russian political warfare: origin, evolution, and application, Monterey, 2016,

Elliott, J.K., ‘Theatricality and deception: How Russia uses “maskirovka” to shake the world’, Global News, 9 June 2018,

Fiott, D., Parkes, R., Protecting Europe. The EU’s response to hybrid threats, Paris: European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), 2019,

Heather, A.C., Mina, J., Stefanov, R. et al., The Kremlin Playbook. Understanding Russian Influence in Central and Eastern Europe, Lanham, Boulder, New York, London, 2016,

Kofman, M., Migacheva, K., Nichiporuk, B. et al., Lessons from Russia’s Operations in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine, Santa Monica, 2017, RAND_RR1498.pdf.

Liang, Q., Xiangsui, W., Unrestricted Warfare, Beijing, 1999,

Lucas, S., Mistry, K., ‘Illusions of Coherence: George F. Kennan, U.S. Strategy and Political Warfare in the Early Cold War 1946-1950’, Diplomatic History, January 2009, vol. 33, issue 1, pp. 39-66,,

Mała encyklopedia wojskowa, vol. 3, Warszawa, 1971.

Measures Short of War: The George F. Kennan Lectures at the National War College, 1946–1947, eds. G.D. Harlow, G.C. Maerz, Washington, 1991,,

Moore, C., ‘Russia and Disinformation: Maskirovka’, 18 March 2019,

Pawłowski, J., Słownik terminów z zakresu bezpieczeństwa narodowego, Warszawa, 2005.

Polyakova, A., Laruelle, M., Meister, S. et al., The Kremlin’s Trojan Horses. Russian Influence in France, Germany, and the United Kingdom, Washington, 2016,’s%20Trojan%20Horses.pdf.

Pronk, D., ‘The Return of Political Warfare’, Strategic Monitor, 2018-2019,

Roberts, J.Q., Maskirovka 2.0: Hybrid Threat, Hybrid Response, Washington, 2015,

Robinson, L., Helmus, T.C., Cohen, R.S. et al., Modern Political Warfare: Current Practices and Possible Responses, Santa Monica, 2018.

Rosa, I., ‘Bitwa na Kulikowym Polu – świt potęgi Moskwy’,,

Schuman, T.D., Love Letter to America, Los Angeles, 1984,

Summary of the 2018 National Defense Strategy of the United States of America: Sharpening the American Military’s Competitive Edge, Washington, 2018,,


Ethnic heterogeneity as a potential target of active measures of Russia: Identification of vulnerabilities of Polish-Ukrainian relations

Liczba wyświetleń: 262
This article raises the issue of how the Russian Federation could benefit from the instrumental use of ethnic heterogeneity to pursue its geopolitical interests. The paper focuses on the recent case of a Polish-Ukrainian historical memory dispute which affected relations between Warsaw and Kyiv. The research focus is on how vulnerable Poland and Ukraine are to Russian active measures which potentially target not only national minorities but also groups of people who are only temporarily present in these states, such as economic migrants and tourists. An analysis is conducted of Russia’s geopolitical objectives and its strategy toward Polish-Ukrainian relations in the broader context of the rivalry between Russia and the West. The analysis is conducted within the framework of the neorealist theory of international relations. The case study of specific events discloses how Russia could exacerbate tensions between nations and the role of ethnic heterogeneity in this regard. Against this backdrop, the author shows how Russia may challenge other states of the Euro-Atlantic community with similar active measures.
J. Bornio, Ethnic heterogeneity as a potential target of active measures of Russia: Identification of vulnerabilities of Polish-Ukrainian relations, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 18(2020), z. 3, s. 27-47, DOI:

ABW, Raport z działalności ABW w 2014 r., Warszawa, 2015,

‘Ambasador Ukrainy: to atak na stosunki polsko-ukraińskie’, TVPInfo, 29 March 2017,

Balzer, H., ‘The Ukraine Invasion and Public Opinion’, Georgetown Journal of International Affairs, vol. 16, no. 1, 2015.

Darczewska, J., Żochowski, P., ‘Active measures. Russia’s key export’, CES Point of view, no. 64, June 2017,

Fundacja Batorego, Dyskusja „Wołyń 1943 – granice kompromisu”, 24 October 2016,

Galeotti, M., ‘Controlling Chaos: How Russia Manages Its Political War in Europe’, European Council on Foreign Relations, Policy Brief, no. 228, 2017.

Giles, K. et al., The Russian Challenge, Chatham House, 2015.

Group of Polish-Ukrainian Dialogue, Priorytetowe Partnerstwo. Wspólna wizja stosunków polsko-ukraińskich, Kyiv–Warsaw, 2017,

‘Initsiatorom protestiv na terytoriyi Ukrayiny ye lider orhanizatsiyi “Nazhdak” Dul’s’kyy – SBU’,, 15 May 2017,

Jaroszewicz, M., ‘Migration from Ukraine to Poland. The trend stabilises’, CES Report, October 2018, 20Ukraine_net.pdf.

Juurvee, I., ‘The resurrection of “active measures”: Intelligence services as a part of Russia’s influencing toolbox’, Hybrid CoE Strategic Analysis, April 2018,

Karlsen, G.H., ‘Divide and rule: ten lessons about Russian political influence activities in Europe’, Palgrave Communications, vol. 5, 2019,

Klimkin, P., Twitter post, 28 March 2017,

Klimkin, P., Twitter post, 10 December 2017,

Knight, B., ‘AfD worker accused of ordering arson attack in Ukraine’, Deutche Welle, 15 January 2019,

‘Konferencja prasowa Prezydentów Polski i Ukrainy’,, 31 August 2019,

Kost, P., ‘Zamach w Łucku: Dlaczego Rosja skutecznie psuje relacje polsko-ukraińskie?’, Defence24, 30 March 2017,

Kowal, P., Testament Prometeusza. Źródła polityki wschodniej III Rzeczypospolitej, Warszawa–Wojnowice, 2018.

Krekó, P. et al., The Weaponization of Culture: Kremlin’s Traditional Agenda and the Export of Values to Central Europe, Political Capital Institute, 4 August 2016,

‘Kremlin financing Polish radicals: tasks, payments, and reporting to Moscow’,, 18 March 2017,

Larrabee, F.S. et al., Russia and the West After the Ukrainian Crisis. European Vulnerabilities to Russian Pressures, RAND 2017,

Lavryshyn, J., ‘Perekryttya dorohy L’viv – Rava-Rus’ka rozsliduyut’ yak rozpalyuvannya mizhnatsional’noyi vorozhnechi’,, 29 March 2017, yak_rozpalyuvannya_mizhnatsionalnoyi_vorozhnechi_n1421918.

Law on Defence, FEDERAL’NYY ZAKON Ob oborone, 1996.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Poland, Komunikat MSZ w sprawie incydentu z udziałem polskiego autokaru pod Lwowem, 10 December 2017,

‘More attacks on Polish WWII memorials in Ukraine’, Polish Press Agency, 13 March 2017,

Motyka, G., ‘Nieustający polsko-ukraiński spór o historię’, Sprawy Międzynarodowe, no. 1, 2018,

‘MVD razoblachilo OPG, prichastnuyu k vzryvam u posol’stv, oskverneniyu sinagogi v Umani i drugim rezonansnym prestupleniyam’,, 2 October 2017,

‘Napisy na polskim konsulacie we Lwowie. „Kolejna prowokacja”’, TVPInfo, 8 February 2017,

Osadchuk, B., Ukraina, Polska, świat, Sejny, 2010.

Panchyhyn, I., ‘Aktsiyu u Hryadi orhanizuvaly prychetni do obstrilu pol’s’koho konsul’stva u Luts’ku’,, 29 March 2017, gryadi_organizuvali_prichetni_do_obstrilu_polskogo_konsulstva_u_lutsku_n1421965.

‘Poroshenko: Vid superechky pol’s’koho ta ukrayins’koho narodiv vyhraye lyshe tretiy’, Ukrayins’ka Pravda, 8 July 2018,

President of the Republic of Poland, President of Ukraine, Wspólne oświadczenie prezydentów Polski i Ukrainy o porozumieniu i pojednaniu obu narodów, Kyiv, 21 May 1997,

President of the Russian Federation, Voyennaya doktrina Rossiyskoy Federatsii, 25 December 2014.

Putin, V., ‘Annual Address to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation’,, 25 April 2005,

Report: Ukrainian minority and migrants from Ukraine in Poland Discourse analysis, ed. P. Tyma, Ukrainians’ Union in Poland, Warsaw 2018,

Revunova, I., ‘U l’vivs’kiy politsiyi rozpovily podrobytsi zatrymannya avtobusa z antyukrayins’kymy plakatami;,, 13 March 2017, zatrimannya_avtobusa_z_antiukrayinskimi_plakatami_n1420388.

Rey, M. L., ‘Na wojnie z kłamstwem’, Nowa Europa Wschodnia, vol. 6, 2017.

Sejm RP, Uchwała Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z dnia 22 lipca 2016 r. w sprawie oddania hołdu ofiarom ludobójstwa dokonanego przez nacjonalistów ukraińskich na obywatelach II Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w latach 1943–1945, Warszawa, M.P. 2016, poz. 726.

State Statistic Committee of Ukraine, All-Ukrainian population census 2001,

State Statistic Service of Ukraine, Foreign citizens who visited Ukraine in 2017,

Statistics Poland, National Census of Population and Housing 2011,

Strokan, M., Taylor ,B., ‘Intelligence’, in: Routledge Handbook of Russian Foreign Policy, ed. A.P. Tsygankov, Routledge, 2018,

The Prosecutor’s Office, ‘Na L’vivshchyni na 3 roky i 6 misyatsiv pozbavlennya voli zasudyly ostann’oho iz orhanizatoriv perekryttya trasy “L’viv-Rava-Rus’ka”’, 9 January 2019,

Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations 1961.

Woidelko, G., ‘The Polish-Ukrainian Battle for the Past’, Carnegie Europe, 15 December 2017,

‘Za provokatsiyeyu na L’vivshchyni stoyat’ rosiys’ki spetssluzhby – SBU’,, 29 March 2017,


The conflict over the autocephaly of Ukrainian Orthodoxy as an element of the hybrid war

Liczba wyświetleń: 193
The issue of the autocephaly of Ukrainian Orthodoxy has once again demonstrated that the concept of atheism and the fight against religion propagated by the communists did not bring the expected results. On the contrary, religion has become a factor that connects societies in the republics of the former USSR with the former metropolis, especially for Slavic and Orthodox populations. It should not come as a surprise, therefore, that the problem of the autocephaly of Ukrainian Orthodoxy has been exploited in the current Russian-Ukrainian dispute, described as a post-imperial hybrid war. The aim of this article is to show how both sides of the conflict are using the issue of the autocephaly of Ukrainian Orthodoxy.
T. Szyszlak, The conflict over the autocephaly of Ukrainian Orthodoxy as an element of the hybrid war, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 18(2020), z. 3, s. 49-71, DOI:

‘“Rosiys’ka pravoslavna tserkva v Ukrayini”: Rada zobov’yazala UPTS MP pereymenuvatys’’, BBC, 20 December 2018,

‘Tomos, “DNR” i tysk spetssluzhb: yak Kyrylo pov’yazav tse v lysti do OON’, BBC, 14 December 2018,

Borovs’ka, M., Volos’ka, I., Martynyuk, O., ‘Khto, de i skil’ky hromad pereyshly z UPTS MP do PTSU: analizuyemo kartu’, RISU, 13 March 2020,

Chervonenko, V., ‘Chomu Pompeo zustrichayet’sya z Epifaniyem chastishe nizh iz Zelens’kym’, BBC, 31 January .2020,

Chervonenko, V., Khomenko, S., ‘Filaret proty Epifaniya: chy ye rozkol v PTSU i shcho bude z tomosom’, BBC, 11 May 2019,

Gerasimov, V., ‘Tsennost’ nauki v predvidenii’, Voyenno-promyshlennyy kur’yer, 27 February 2013.

Hoffman, F.G., Conflict in the 21st century: Rise of the Hybrid Wars, Arlington, 2007.

‘V Kremle obeshchayut zashchishchat’ interesy pravoslavnykh na Ukraine politiko-diplomaticheskimi metodami’, Interfax, 12 October 2018,

‘V Moskovskom patriarkhate opasayutsya krovoprolitiya v sluchaye legitimizatsii ukrainskogo raskola’, Interfaks, 28 June 2018,

Khomenko, S., Chervonenko, V., ‘Mytropolyt Epifaniy: “My ne mayemo prava rozpalyuvaty v Ukrayini relihiynyy front”’, BBC, 1 March 2019,

‘Stavlennya do okremykh tserkov Ukrayiny i ochikuvannya vid diyal’nosti Pravoslavnoyi tserkvy Ukrayiny: lyutyy 2020 roku’, KMIS, 3 March 2020,

Kobeszko, Ł., ‘Patriarchat Ekumeniczny rehabilituje Patriarchat Kijowski i Cerkiew autokefaliczną’,, 12 October 2018, patriarchat-ekumeniczny-rehabilituje-patriarchat-kijowski/.

Kralyuk, P., ‘“Trychi nekanonichna” UPTS (MP). Tomos dlya Ukrayiny kardynal’no zminyv sytuatsiyu’, Radio Svoboda, 6 January 2019, html.

Kravchenko, C., ‘Ob’yednavchyy sobor: rozkryto intryhu obrannya Epifaniya mytropolytom’, Narodna Pravda, 16 December 2018,

‘Oprylyudnyly spysok arkhiyereyiv Moskovs’koho patriarkhatu, yaki maly buty na Ob’yednavchomu sobori’, Misto, 25 February 2019,

Nemeth, W.J., Future war and Chechnya: A case for hybrid warfare, Monterey, 2002.

‘“Khvoroba zminyla yoho nevpiznanno”: Filaret dav telekanalu “Rossyya 24” rozhromne interv’yu pro tomos’, Novynarnya, 7 July 2019,

‘“Ves’ svit vyznaye”: Filaret vykryv UPTS MP u brekhni’, Oborezvatel, 2 August 2018,

Oikoumenikón Patriarcheíon, O Oikoumenikós Thrónos kai i Ekklisía tis Oukranías – Omiloún ta keímena,, 25 September 2018, oukraniko-1.pdf.

Pacek, B., Wojna hybrydowa na Ukrainie, Warszawa, 2018.

Pawluczuk, W., Ukraina. Mistyka i polityka, Kraków, 1998.

Prezident Rossii, Soveshchaniye s postoyannymi chlenami Soveta Bezopasnosti,, 12 October 2018,

‘Shche odyn element hibrydnoyi ahresiyi: Poroshenko pro rishennya Radbezu RF shchodo zakhystu rosiys’koyi tserkvy v Ukrayini’, Pryamyy, 16 October 2018,

‘45% opytanykh ukrayintsiv vidnosyat’ sebe do UPTS KP, 17% — do UPTS (MP)’, Relihiya v Ukrayini, 17 September 2018, news/vazhlivo/41031-45-opitanx-ukrayinciv-vidnosyat-sebe-do-upc-kp-17-do-upc-mp.html.

‘Namisnyk Pechers’koyi lavry mav koordynuvaty provokatsiyi pid chas ob’yednavchoho Soboru – SBU’, RISU, 13 December 2018, all_news/community/extraordinary_situations/73884/.

Ofis Prezidenta rizko vidreahuvav na slova Putina pro PTSU, 22 February 2020,

Relihiyni orhanizatsiyi v Ukrayini (stanom na 1 sichnya 2014 r.), 4 April 2014,

Relihiyni orhanizatsiyi v Ukrayini (stanom na 1 sichnya 2019 r.), 17 April 2019,

Teper vsi bachat’, chomu til’ky dva yerarkhy UPTS MP pryyikhaly na ob’yednavchyy sobor – ekspert pro zvernennya Filareta, 15 May 2019, orthodox_relations/75802/.

U mistakh Ukrayiny molylysya za peremohu Ukrayiny u viyni z Rosiyeyu, 7 March 2020,

V uryadi pidrakhuvaly kil’kist’ parafiy, yaki khochut’ zalyshatys’ z pochesnym patriarkhom Filaretom, 5 December 2019, ua/index/all_news/orthodox/uoc_kp/78057/.

Rossiya 24, Nichego svyatogo. Spetsial’nyy reportazh Anny Afanas’yevoy – Rossiya 24, 6 July 2019,

Surepin, S., ‘“Armiya, mova, vira”: Poroshenko nazvav formulu suchasnoyi ukrayins’koyi identychnosti’, Zaborona, 20 September 2018,

Szyszlak, T., Lwowskie sacrum, kijowskie profanum. Grekokatolicyzm w ukraińskiej przestrzeni publicznej od pierestrojki do pomarańczowej rewolucji, Warszawa, 2012.

Szyszlak, T., ‘Próba teoretycznego ujęcia postradzieckich konfliktów religijnych’, in: Religia i polityka na obszarze Europy Wschodniej, Kaukazu i Azji Centralnej, ed. T. Stępniewski, Lublin–Warszawa, 2013.

‘Putin narikaye, shcho Ukrayina “rozrizala po zhyvomu” yednist’ RPTS’, TSN, 21 February 2020,

Tysyachnyy, V., ‘Yakby ne UPTS MP, v Ukrayini ne bulo b viyny — Filaret’, Obozrevatel,10 October 2018,

‘KS vidmovyv u otsintsi zakonu pro perekhid relihiynykh hromad u PTSU’, Ukrayins’ka pravda, 20 March 2019,

‘Rishennya Synodu: Ukrayins’ka tserkva otrymaye tomos. Povnyy tekst’, Ukrayins’ka Pravda, 11 October 2018,

‘Vselens’kyy Patriarkh: Moskva pryyednala ukrayins’ku tserkvu nekanonichno’, Ukrinform, 2 July 2018,

‘Konstantynopol’ dav “zelene svitlo” stvorennyu ukrayins’koyi pomisnoyi tserkvy, Kyyivs’kyy patriarkhat i UAPTS vzhe pidpysaly zvernennya’, UNIAN, 17 April 2018, 10084154-konstantinopol-dav-zelene-svitlo-stvorennyu-ukrajinskoji-pomisnoji-cerkvi-kijivskiy-patriarhat-i-uapc-vzhe-pidpisali-zvernennya.html.

‘Rada prosyt’ Vselens’koho patriarkha Varfolomiya nadaty avtokefaliyu pravoslavniy tserkvi v Ukrayini’, UNIAN, 16 June 2016,

Vetrova, A., ‘Nikolay Danilevich: Khristos nas ob’yedinyayet, a politika raz’yedinyayet’, Argumenty i Fakty v Ukraine, 21 October 2015.

Wasiuta, O., Wasiuta, S., ‘Militarne i niemilitarne metody prowadzenia wojny hybrydowej Rosji przeciwko Ukrainie’, Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series International Relations, no. 39, 2016,

Zakon Ukrayiny no. 2598-VIII “Pro osoblyvosti korystuvannya Andriyivs’koyu tserkvoyu Natsional’noho zapovidnyka ‘Sofiya Kyyivs’ka’”, ‘Vidomosti Verkhovnoyi Rady’, 2018, no. 46.

Zakon Ukrayiny no. 2662-VIII “Pro vnesennya zminy do statti 12 Zakonu Ukrayiny ‘Pro svobodu sovisti ta relihiyni orhanizatsiyi’ shchodo nazvy relihiynykh orhanizatsiy (ob’yednan’), yaki vkhodyat’ do struktury (ye chastynoyu) relihiynoyi orhanizatsiyi (ob’yednannya), kerivnyy tsentr (upravlinnya) yakoyi znakhodyt’sya za mezhamy Ukrayiny v derzhavi, yaka zakonom vyznana takoyu, shcho zdiysnyla viys’kovu ahresiyu proty Ukrayiny ta/abo tymchasovo okupuvala chastynu terytoriyi Ukrayiny”, ‘Vidomosti Verkhovnoyi Rady’, 2019, no. 3.

Zakon Ukrayiny no. 2673-VIII “Pro vnesennya zmin do deyakykh zakoniv Ukrayiny shchodo pidlehlosti relihiynykh orhanizatsiy ta protsedury derzhavnoyi reyestratsiyi relihiynykh orhanizatsiy zi statusom yurydychnoyi osoby”, ‘Vidomosti Verkhovnoyi Rady’, 2019, no. 6.


Little Moscow on the Vltava river – Russian communities in the Czech Republic in the context of socio-political order and homeland security

Liczba wyświetleń: 188
The central concern of this paper is the growing influx of Russian migrants to the Czech Republic and the consequences for political and social order. With nearly 40,000 migrants, Russians are the fourth biggest foreign community in Czechia. Due to their material status, the history of bilateral relations, and the significant role of their homeland in Czech politics, the growing Russian community poses a problem for Czech society. The fear of Russian dominance – in political as well as economical dimensions – as well as resentment about the communistic era, is still present among Czech people. Although most Russians come to Czech to study or to do business and are not engaged in political activity, relations between migrants and the host society can be strained. Mutual prejudices make themselves felt in moments of the political crisis between two countries, such as the recent row over Soviet monuments in Prague. However, this doesn’t necessarily mean that the Russian community could easily become a tool for Kremlin propaganda. Russians appreciate the opportunity to live in a rich, liberal and democratic society and even though they keep strong emotional ties with their homeland they are not keen to affirm all of Moscow’s deeds.
W. Bednarek, Little Moscow on the Vltava river – Russian communities in the Czech Republic in the context of socio-political order and homeland security, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 18(2020), z. 3, s. 73-92, DOI:

Aleshkovsky, I., Grebenyuk, A., Vorobyeva, O., ‘The Evolution of Russian Emigration in the Post-Soviet Period’, Social Evolution & History, vol. 17, no. 2, 2018,,

Bajda, P., ‘Are Czechs Russophiles’, The Warsaw Institute Review, no. 11, 2019/4,

Baraniuk, K., ‘Mniejszości rosyjskojęzyczne w polityce zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej – przykład Estonii’, Wschodnioznawstwo, no. 10, 2016.

Bornio, J., ‘Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia we współczesnych rosyjskich koncepcjach geopolitycznych’, Wschodnioznawstwo, no. 11, 2017.

Castles, S., Miller, M.J., Migracja we współczesnym świecie, Warszawa, 2011.

Centrum pro výzkum veřejného mínění, ‘Sympatie české veřejnosti k některým zemím – listopad 2019’, 13 December 2019,

Ditrych, O., ‘Byle nie do kawiarni’, Nowa Europa Wschodnia, no. 5, 2015.

Dom v izgnanii: Ocherki o russkoj emigracii v Chehoslovakii 1918-1945, ed. M. Dobusheva, V. Krymova, Praga, 2008.

Janíčko, M., ‘Pražští Rusové’, Naše společnost. Časopis Centra pro výzkum veřejného mínění časopis Centra pro výzkum veřejného mínění Sociologického ústavu AV ČR, v.v.i, no. 10 (2), 2012.

Kozłowski, K., ‘Współczesne migracje jako źródło konfliktów politycznych’, in: Migracje międzynarodowe a modernizacja systemu politycznego i społecznego. Materiały z XIII Konferencji Naukowej Wydziału Dziennikarstwa i Nauk Politycznych Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 12 stycznia 2007, ed. G. Firlit-Fesnak, Warszawa, 2008.

Kupšovský, D., ‘Má soukromá rusofobie: Jak se naučit žít s ruskými imigranty v Praze?’,, 6 October 2018,

Lazarová, D., Kukal, L., ‘Young Russians in Prague find that 1968 Russian-led invasion casts long shadow’,, 13 August 2018,

Mikule, M., ‘ “Putinovi emigrant” v Praze. Kdo jsou Rusové, kteří do Česka přišli z politických důvodů’,, 3 December 2018,

Orłowska, R., Uwarunkowania i skutki rozwoju migracji ekonomicznych w Unii Europejskiej w świetle wybranych teorii migracji międzynarodowych, Gdańsk, 2013.

Piotrowski, M., Raś, K., ‘Wzrost zagrożenia rosyjskiego w raportach bałtyckich służb specjalnych’, Biuletyn PISM, 15 July 2015,

Prague Security Studies Institute, ‘Summary of an Expert Roundtable Russian Influence in Central Europe’, 2015,

Prague Security Studies Institute, ‘United We Stand, Divided We Fall: The Kremlin’s Leverage in the Visegrad Countries. Executive Summary’, 2015,

Smolenova, I., ‘Russia’s Propaganda War’, Forbes, 25 March 2015,

Součková, K., ‘Historie se podle více než poloviny Čechů začíná falšovat. Vadí jim také rušení i stavění památníků’,, 3 February 2020,

Strzelecki, J., ‘Painful Adaptation. The social consequences of the crisis in Russia’, OSW Studies, no. 60, 2017,

Tatarenko, A., ‘Demontaż pomnika marszałka Koniewa w Pradze: kryzys w relacjach czesko-rosyjskich’, Komentarze IEŚ, no. 166, 2020,

Tatarenko, A., ‘Relikty komunizmu: polityka historyczna wobec materialnego dziedzictwa sowieckiego w Republice Czeskiej’, Prace IEŚ, no. 1, 2019,

The Security Information Service (BIS), ‘Annual Report of the Security Information Service for 2018’, 26 November 2019,,

Vejvodová, P., Janda J., Víchová, V., The Russian connections of far-right and paramilitary organizations in the Czech Republic, Budapest, 2017,

Začlenění ruské komunity do většinové společnosti, ed. J. Vavrečková, K. Dobiášová, Prague, 2013,


Russia’s economic soft power: The case of Serbia

Liczba wyświetleń: 207
Serbia inherited Yugoslavia’s tendency to pursue its foreign policy in terms of “multi-vector” policy and balancing between the West and the East to achieve its own political goals and maintain the attention of other countries. Despite the desire to join the European Union, as officially declared by the state authorities, Serbia also strives to maintain a “strategic partnership” with Russia. This paper presents Russia’s interests in the policy towards Serbia in the economic sphere over the years, starting from 1999. It points to the complexity of Serbian-Russian economic relations and their relationship with political issues. Russia, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, can significantly affect Serbia’s internal and foreign policy, making it dependent on guarding Serbia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and through the lack of recognition of Kosovo’s independence by pursuing its own interests, manifested by an increasing Russian presence in the energy sector.
S. Baniak, Russia’s economic soft power: The case of Serbia, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 18(2020), z. 3, s. 93-114, DOI:

Bechev, D., Rival Power: Russia’s Influence in Southeast Europe, New Haven (CT), 2017.

Breban, D., Serbia – Between the hammer and the anvil: anoverview of the security of supply in South-Eastern Europe, Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, 2018,

Bugajski, J., Cold Peace. Russia’s New Imperialism, Westport (CT), 2004.

Curanović, A., Czynnik religijny w polityce zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej, Warszawa, 2010,

Engelbrekt, K., Vassilev, I., ‘European energy policy meets Russian bilateralism. The case of South-Eastern Europe’, in: K. Engelbrekt, B. Nygren, Russia and Europe. Building bridges, digging trenches, Abingdon-on-Thames, 2010,

Gvosdev, N.K., Gas, Guns, and Oil: Russia’s “Ruble Diplomacy” in the Balkans, Wilson Center 2011,

Headley, J., Russia and the Balkans. Foreign Policy from Yeltsin to Putin, New York, 2008,

Kałan, D., ‘Bałkański przystanek gazociągu SouthStream’, Biuletyn PISM, no. 75 (1187), 2014,

Łoskot-Strachota, A., ‘Ekspansja Gazpromu w UE – kooperacja czy dominacja’, Raport OSW, 2009,

LSEE Research on South Eastern Europe & SEESOX South East European Studies at Oxford, London School of Economics, Russia in the Balkans. Conference Report (13 March 2015),

Panagiotou, R., ‘The Impact of the Economic Crisis on the Western Balkans and their EU Accession Prospects’, EUI Working Paper, no. 64, 2012.

Petrillo, E.R., ‘Russian foreign policy towards the Balkans: which perspective?’, ISPI Analysis, no. 169, 2013,

Pivovarenko, A., ‘Modern Russia in the Modern Balkans: Soft Power through Investment’, RIAC, 23 May 2014,

Pronińska, K.M., Bezpieczeństwo energetyczne w stosunkach UE–Rosja. Geopolityka

i ekonomia surowców energetycznych, Warszawa, 2012.

Simić, J., “Ekonomski aspekti strateškog partnerstva Srbije i Rusije”, Centar za evroatlantske studiuje, Novi vek, no. 6, 2014,

Studija Centra za evroatlantskestudije, Širomzatvorenihočiju. Jačanjeruskemekemoći

u Srbiji – ciljevi, instrumenti i efekti, 2016,

Szpala, M., ‘Bałkany po powodzi – konsekwencje polityczne i gospodarcze’, Analizy OSW, 2014,

Szpala, M., ‘Rosja w Serbii – miękka siła i twarde interesy’, Komentarz OSW, no. 150, 2014,

Szpala, M., Rodkiewicz, W., ‘Putin w Belgradzie – entuzjazm zamiast konkretów’, Analizy OSW, 2019,

The Political Economy of Russian Loans, World View Stratfor, 16 January 2014,

Torrabla, R.M., Belgrade at the crossroads: Serbian-Russian relations in light of the Ukraine crisis, Real Instituto ELCANO, no. 64, 2014,

Wojnicki, J., ‘Kwestia jugosłowiańska w polityce radzieckiej i rosyjskiej (1945-1999)’,

in: Bałkany Zachodnie w systemie bezpieczeństwa euroatlantyckiego, red. A. Głowacki, S.L. Szczesio, Łódź, 2015.

Yugoslav-American Economic Relations Since World War II, eds. J.R. Lampe, R.O. Prickett, L.S. Adamović, Durham (NC), 1990,


The image of the Russian Federation on the canvas of social research

Liczba wyświetleń: 191
The starting point for this article was research conducted from February to April 2017 and in January and February 2020. The purpose of the work is to show the image and position of the Russian Federation in the eyes of respondents who participated (incl. residents of Moscow, Arkhangelsk, Saint Petersburg and Vladivostok) in in-depth interviews conducted by the author. The principal analysis concerns the results obtained in 2017, and the specific changes observed three years after the initial surveys were completed.
N. Sienko, The image of the Russian Federation on the canvas of social research, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 18(2020), z. 3, s. 115-140, DOI:

Ballard B., ‘Crimea doesn’t pay: Assessing the economic impact of Russia’s annexation’,, 28 October 2019,

Czaputowicz J., ‘Wprowadzenie. Potencjał konstruktywizmu w wyjaśnieniu integracji europejskiej’, in: Zastosowanie konstruktywizmu w studiach europejskich, ed. J. Czaputowicz, Warszaw,a 2016,

Dolgosrochny effekt Kryma,, 20.03.2017,

Hopf T., ‘The Promise of Constructivism in International Relations Theory’, International Security, vol. 23, no. 1, 1998.

McClintock B., ‘The Russian Space Sector: Adaptation, Retrenchment, and Stagnation’, Eisenhower Center for Space and Defense Studies, Space & Defense, vol. 10, no. 1, 2017,

‘Rosja: służby zabiły dwóch podejrzanych o terroryzm. Nieudana próba zatrzymania’, PolskieRadio24, 19 April 2017,, Rosja-sluzby-zabily-dwoch-podejrzanych-o-terroryzm-Nieudana-proba-zatrzymania.

Snyder J., The Ideology of the Offensive: Military Decision Making and the Disasters of 1914, Ithaca, 1984.

United Nations Development Program, ‘Human Development Index Ranking 2019’,


Unique or modular? Armenian Velvet Revolution in comparative approach

Liczba wyświetleń: 209
Most of the previous revolutions in the post-Soviet sphere were concentrated around two dimensions: reluctance to challenge abuses of power and the will to redirect the external trajectory. The Armenian Velvet Revolution marked the change of the axiology of revolution. Civil disobedience was only focused on the corrupt political system based on clientelism and patronage. It was not addressing any issues related to the international situation. In statements, activists avoided references to foreign policy and change of geopolitical direction. The purpose of the paper is to identify convergent and separate features characterizing the Velvet Revolution in comparison with breakthroughs classified as revolutions in the post-Soviet space after 1989. The research question is how the Armenian Velvet Revolution’s features stand out from previous revolutionary changes of power in the post-Soviet space, and to what extent they are convergent. The theoretical framework is based on multi-dimensional academic reflection on the factors characterizing particular revolutionary waves in post-Soviet space. Using comparatively the rich achievements of study on the Autumn of Nations, Color Revolutions, and Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity, this essay aims to inscribe the unique and modular factors characterizing the Armenian Velvet Revolution into a broader spectrum of theoretical and practical considerations on political breakthroughs in post-Soviet space.
B. Krzysztan, Unique or modular? Armenian Velvet Revolution in comparative approach, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 18(2020), z. 3, s. 143-171, DOI:

Anderson, B., Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, Revised Edition, London–New York, 2006.

Arendt, H., On Revolution, London, 1990.

Auer, S., ‘The Paradoxes of the Revolutions of 1989 in Central Europe’, Critical Horizons, vol. 5, no. 1, 2004.

Auer, S., ‘Violence and the End of Revolution After 1989’, Thesis Eleven, vol. 97, no. 1, 2009,

Baev, P.K., ‘A Matrix for Post-Soviet ‘Color Revolutions’: Exorcising the Devil from the Details’, International Area Studies Review, vol. 14, no. 2, 2011,

Beacháin, D.Ó, Polese, A., ‘“Rocking the vote”: new forms of youth organisations in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union’, Journal of Youth Studies, vol. 13, no. 5, 2010,

Beacháin, D.Ó, Polese, A., The Colour Revolutions in the Former Soviet Republics: Successes and Failures, Routledge, 2010,

Beissinger, M.R., ‘Structure and example in modular political phenomena: The diffusion of bulldozer/rose/orange/tulip revolutions’, Perspectives on politics, vol. 5, no. 2, 2007,

Bunce, V.J., Wolchik, S.L., ‘International Diffusion and Postcommunist Electoral Revolutions’, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, vol. 39, no. 3, 2006,

Derluguian, G., Hovhannisyan, R., Iskandaryan, A. et al., ‘Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization. Special Issue’, Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, vol. 26, no. 4, 2018.

Diuk, N., ‘EUROMAIDAN: Ukraine’s Self-Organizing Revolution’, World Affairs, vol. 176, no. 6, 2014.

Dudwick, N., ‘Political Transformations in Postcommunist Armenia: Images and Realities’, in: Conflict, Cleavage, and Change in Central Asia and the Caucasus, eds. K. Dawish, B. Parrott, Cambridge, 1997,

Eisenstadt, S.N., ‘The Breakdown of Communist Regimes and the Vicissitudes of Modernity’, Daedalus, vol. 121, no. 2, 1992.

Feldman, D.L., Alibašić, H., ‘The Remarkable 2018 “Velvet Revolution”: Armenia’s Experiment Against Government Corruption’, Public Integrity, 0, no. 0 (11 April 2019),

Finkel, E., Brudny, Y.M., ‘No more colour! Authoritarian regimes and colour revolutions in Eurasia’, Democratization, vol. 19, no. 1, 2012,

Gerasimov, I., ‘Ukraine 2014: The First Postcolonial Revolution. Introduction to the Forum’, Ab Imperio, no. 3, 2014,

Gerlach, J., Color Revolutions in Eurasia, Cham, 2014.

Grigoryan, A., ‘Armenia’s Constitutional Referendum’, The CACI Analyst, 29 December 2015,

Grigoryan, A., ‘Armenia’s path to democratization by recursive mass protests’, Caucasus Survey, 13 May 2019,

Grigoryan, S., The Armenian Velvet Revolution, Independently Published, 2020.

Hakobyan, T., Karabakh Diary, Green and Black: Neither War nor Peace, Yerevan, 2010.

Hale, H.E., ‘Regime Change Cascades: What We Have Learned from the 1848 Revolutions to the 2011 Arab Uprisings’, Annual Review of Political Science, vol. 16, no. 1, 2013,

Heil, A., Baumgartner, P., ‘It’s Not You, It’s Me: Serzh Sarkisian’s Breakup Letter To Armenia, Annotated’, RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty, 23 April 2018,

Hess, S., ‘Protests, Parties, and Presidential Succession’, Problems of Post-Communism, vol. 57, no. 1, 2010.

Ishkanian, A., Democracy Building and Civil Society in Post-Soviet Armenia, London–New York, 2008,

Ishkanian, A., ‘Self-Determined Citizens? New Forms of Civic Activism and Citizenship in Armenia’, Europe-Asia Studies, vol. 67, no. 8, 2015,

Iskandaryan, A., ‘Armenia Between Autocracy and Polyarchy’, Russian Politics & Law, vol. 50, no. 4, 2012,

Jones, S.F., ‘Reflections on the Rose Revolution’, European Security, vol. 21, no. 1, 2012.

Kuzio, T., ‘Transition in Post-Communist States: Triple or Quadruple?’, Politics, vol. 21, no. 3, 2001,

Kuzio, T., ‘Ukraine’s Anti-Soviet Euro-Revolution’, Research Institute for European and American Studies (blog), 4 December 2014,

Lane, D., ‘“Coloured Revolution” as a Political Phenomenon’, Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, vol. 25, no. 2-3, 2009.

Lanskoy, M., Suthers, E., ‘Armenia’s Velvet Revolution’, Journal of Democracy, vol. 30, no. 2, 2019,

Laverty, N., ‘The “party of power” as a type’, East European Politics, vol. 31, no. 1, 2015.

Legvold, R., Return to Cold War, 1st edition, Cambridge, UK–Malden, MA, 2016.

Mitchell, L.A., The Color Revolutions, Philadelphia, 2012.

Monaghan, A., ‘A “New Cold War”? Abusing History, Misunderstanding Russia’, Research Paper, London 2015,

Polese, A., Beacháin, D.Ó, ‘The Color Revolution Virus and Authoritarian Antidotes: Political Protest and Regime Counterattacks in Post-Communist Spaces’, Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, vol. 19, no. 2. 2010.

Pop, A., ‘The 1989 Revolutions in Retrospect’, Europe-Asia Studies, vol. 65, no. 2, 2013.

Protocol of the results of the elections to the National Assembly 2017, Central Electoral Commision, 4 September 2017,

Protocol of the results of the elections to the National Assembly 2018, Central Electoral Commision, 12 September 2018,

Protocol on referendum results, Central Electoral Commision, 12 June 2015,

Republic of Armenia Constitutional Referendum 6 December 2015, OSCE/ODIHR REFERENDUM EXPERT TEAM Final Report, Warsaw: ODIHR, 2 May 2016,,

Republic of Armenia Early Parliamentary Elections 9 December 2018, OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report, Warsaw: ODIHR, 3 July 2019,

Republic of Armenia Parliamentary Elections 2 April 2017, OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report, Warsaw: ODIHR, 7 June 2017,

Republic of Armenia Presidential Elections 18 February 2013, OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report, Warsaw: ODIHR, 5 August 2013,

Republic of Armenia Presidential Elections 19 February 2008, OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report, Warsaw: ODIHR, 30 May 2008,

Republic of Armenia Presidential Elections 19 February and 6 March 2003, OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report, Warsaw: ODIHR, 28 April 2003,

Revolution in the Making of the Modern World: Social Identities, Globalization and Modernity, 1st Edition (Paperback) – Routledge, eds. J. Foran, D. Lane, A. Zivkovic, New York, 2008.

Shirinyan, A., ‘Bridging the Gaps in Armenia’s Political Space: The Political Party System after the “Velvet Revolution” ’, Caucasus Analytical Digest, 108, 2019.

Skocpol, T., States and Social Revolutions Comparative Analysis France Russia and China 2 | Political Theory, Cambridge, 1979.

Sztompka, P., Sociology of Social Change, Oxford, 1993.

The Return of the Cold War: Ukraine, The West and Russia, eds. J.L. Black, M. Johns, New York, 2016.

Therborn, G., ‘Foreword. Roads to Modernity: Revolutionary and Other’, in: Revolution in the Making of Modern World. Social Identities, Globalization and Modernity, eds. J. Foran, D. Lane, A. Zivkovic, London–New York, 2008,

Thompson, M.R., ‘Totalitarian and Post-Totalitarian Regimes in Transitions and Non-Transitions from Communism’, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, vol. 3, no. 1, 2002,

Tilly, Ch., European Revolutions, 1492–1992, Oxford, UK – Cambridge, Mass., USA, 1993.

Tismaneanu, V., Stalinism for All Seasons. A Political History of Romanian Communism. Oakland, 2003,,

Way, L., ‘The Real Causes of the Color Revolutions’, Journal of Democracy, vol. 19, no. 3, 2008.

White, S., ‘Is There a Pattern?’, Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, vol. 25, no. 2-3, 2009,

Wydra, H., ‘Revolution and Democracy: the European Experience’, in: Revolution in the Making of the Modern World: Social Identities, Globalization and Modernity, eds. J. Foran, D. Lane, A. Zivkovic, London–New York, 2008,

Zolyan, M., ‘The Poverty of Authoritarianism: What Made the Armenian Revolution Possible’, Caucasus Analytical Digest, 108, 2019.


The Republic of Serbia: Stuck in the grey zone of democratization?

Liczba wyświetleń: 211
The Republic of Serbia is a state overburdened with complex issues regarding its political transformation. These problems are a consequence of the dynamic changes which have occurred over the last 30 years. It should be remembered that Serbia underwent a transformation from an authoritarian to a democratic state in a relatively short period of time. Unfortunately, these dynamic political, economic, and social modifications coincided with serious systemic changes and this had an adverse impact on Serbian democracy. The political problems which directly influence the process of democratization are becoming more and more visible over time. One such problem is undoubtedly the fact that state power is in the hands of one political party: the Serbian Progressive Party. For states going through a transformation, such a concentration of power could have negative effects on the quality of democracy. This article evaluates the non-democratic trends in Serbia which stem from the strengthening of the Serbian Progressive Party, especially on the level of state power. The article also suggests that this development might lead to Serbia being categorized as a country which has become stuck in the so-called grey zone of democratization.
W. Hebda, The Republic of Serbia: Stuck in the grey zone of democratization?, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 18(2020), z. 3, s. 173-194, DOI:

Beširević, V., ‘Governing without judges: The politics of the Constitutional Court in Serbia’, International Journal of Constitutional Law, no. 12 (4), 2014,

Bratislav Gašić u sukobu interesa,, 28 September 2015,

Bujwid-Kurek, E., ‘EU aspirations of the Republic of Serbia – an overview’, Przegląd Europejski, no. 40 (2), 2016,

Carothers, T., ‘The End of Transition Paradigm’, Journal of Democracy, no. 13 (1), 2002.

Corruption Perceptions Index 2017, Transparency International,

Damnjanović, M., Serbia,, 2016,

Damnjanović, M., Serbia,, 2018,

Democracy Index 2017 – Free speech under attack, The Economist Intelligence Unit.

Džihić, V., Segert, D., ‘Lessons from “Post-Yugoslav” Democratization. Functional Problems of Stateness and the Limits of Democracy’, East European Politics and Societies, no. 26 (2), 2012,

Hamilton, A., Šapić, J., ‘Dialogue-induced Developments on the Ground: Analysis on implementation of the EU-facilitated agreements on freedom of movement and trade between Kosovo and Serbia’, Group for Legal and Political Studies and Inter, Policy Report, no. 8, 2013.

Hebda, W., Serbsko-chorwackie stosunki polityczne na przełomie XX i XXI wieku, Warszawa, 2018.

Hebda, W., ‘The issue of problematic states: Kosovo – a Failed State? Political and economic analysis – outline of problem’, American International Journal of Social Science, no. 3(4), 2014.

Izbori za narodne poslanike Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije održani 28.12.2003. godine, Republički zavod za statistiku, Beograd.

Izbori za narodne poslanike Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije održani 21.01.2007. godine, Republički zavod za statistiku, Beograd.

Izbori za narodne poslanike Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije održani 11.05.2008. godine, Republički zavod za statistiku, Beograd.

Izbori za narodne poslanike Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije, Аpril 2016, Republički zavod za statistiku, Beograd.

Izbori za narodne poslanike Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije, Mart 2014, Republički zavod za statistiku, Beograd.

Izbori za narodne poslanike Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije, za predsednika Republike Srbije, Maj 2012, Republički zavod za statistiku, Beograd.

Kostovicova, D., ‘Civil society and post-communist democratization: Facing a double challenge in post Milošević Serbia’, Journal of Civil Society, no. 2 (1), 2006,

‘Long-anticipated Act on Protection of Whistleblowers is finally adopted’,, 5 January 2015,

Milačić, F., ‘A painful break or agony without end? The stateness problem and its influence on democratization in Croatia and Serbia’, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, no. 17 (3), 2017,

‘Milojević pozvao sudije da predlažu najbolje za VSS’,, 16 October 2015,

Milutinović, I., ‘Media ownership and democratic capacity of transitional society: The case of Serbia’, European Journal of Communication, no. 32 (4), 2017,

‘Miskovic acquitted on one charge, faces retrial on another’,, 27 October 2017,

‘Nationalist Commemorations Threaten Balkan Reconciliation’, Balkan Insight, 8 July 2015,

‘No Coup Attempt in Serbia, Says PM Vucic’, Balkan Insight, 12 January 2015,

‘NUNS i NDNV predstavnicima OEBS-a i EU: Smene na RTV-u su otvoreni politički pritisak’,, 19 May 2016,

Obradović-Wochnik, J., Wochnik, A., ‘Invalid Ballots and the “Crisis of Representative Democracy” Re-inventing Protest at the 2012 Serbian Elections’, East European Politics and Societies and Cultures, no. 28 (4), 2014,

Orlović, S., ‘Parlamentarni izbori 2014: kontekst, akteri i ishodi’, Politički život. Časopis za analizu politike, no. 11, 2014.

‘Pala odluka: Vučić: Idemo na izbore!’, Blic, 17 January 2016, vesti/politika/pala-odluka-Vučić-idemo-na-izbore/xspd6p5.

Petrović, P., Stakić, I., Extremism Research Forum. Serbia Report, British Council, April 2018.

‘Razmišljam o vanrednim izborima, neću da sedim u fotelji 15 godina i brčkam se po primorju’, Blic, 15 August 2015,

Schenkkan, N., Nations in Transit 2018: Confronting Illiberalizm,, 2018,

Serbia 2016 Report, Commission Staff Working Document, European Commission, Brussels, 9 November 2016, SWD(2016) 361 final.

‘Serbia and Kosovo Reach Four Key Agreements’, Balkan Insight, 26 August 2015,

‘Serbian PM Slams EU, Alleging BIRN Lies’, Balkan Insight, 10 January 2015,

Simić, P., ‘Serbia: Continuity and Change after 2012 Election’, International Relations Quarterly, no. 4 (1), 2013.

‘Snežana Stanojković novi tužilac za ratne zločine’, Blic, 15 May 2017,

Spoerri, M., ‘Crossing the line: partisan party assistance in post-Milošević Serbia’, Democratization, no. 17 (6), 2010,

Stahl, B., ‘Another strategic accession? The EU and Serbia (2000–2010)’, Nationalities Papers, no. 41 (3), 2013,

Subotić, J., ‘Explaining Difficult States. The Problems of Europeanization in Serbia’, East European Politics and Societies, no. 24 (4), 2010,

‘Ustavne izmene u cilju nezavisnosti pravosuđa’, Euractiv,

‘Vrh gradske vlasti odgovoran za Savamalu’, Politika, 8 June 2016,čić-Gradske-vlasti-iza-rusenja-u-Savamali.

‘Vučić i 19 ministara ovo je nova Vlada Srbije’, Blic, 11 August 2016,

Zakošek, N., Democratization, State-building and War: The Cases of Serbia and Croatia, Democratization, no. 15 (3), 2008,


Recovering Forgotten History: A study case of politics of memory in Poland

Liczba wyświetleń: 208
The Conference on “Recovering Forgotten History” is one of the oldest attempts undertaken in the III Republic to defend Poland’s (and East- Central Europe’s) image abroad, especially in the US. From 2006, the Conference has organized its seminars, originally bi-annually and now annually, to provide a forum for discussions between the authors of English-language history textbooks and monographs, and Polish historians who review those publications. Arguments are scholarly, grounded in evidence of primary sources and historiography, therefore, they are convincing in combatting Western prejudices and clichés about Poland and East-Central Europe. Additionally, the Conference provides opportunities for sightseeing of Poland’s historical places. As a result, the work of the Conference leads not only to the removal of countless mistakes and misinterpretations in the reviewed books but also to a change of guests’ attitudes toward this part of Europe. For the most part, they are academic teachers, who can also influence students through their classes. The Conference achieves all of this while having very modest means at its disposal.
K. Łazarski, Recovering Forgotten History: A study case of Politics of Memory in Poland, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 18(2020), z. 3, s. 195-223, DOI:

Acton, J. Lord, ‘Inaugural Lecture on the Study of History’, in: Lectures on Modern History, eds. J.N. Figgis, R.V. Laurence, Macmillan, 1906.

Allardyce, G., ‘The Rise and Fall of the Western Civilization Courses’, American Historical Review, vol. 87, no. 3, 1982.

Chesterton, G.K., ‘Introduction’, in: Letters on Polish Affairs, ed. Ch. Sarolea, Oliver and Boyd, 1922.

Collins, J., ‘Remarks about two Conferences “Recovering Forgotten History”’, undated letter to the Institute for Civic Space and Public Policy [2007],

Conferences, ‘Recovering Forgotten Past’,

Davies, N., Europe: A History, Harper Perennial, 1998.

Documents of the Foundation for Civic Space and Public Policy,

Doucette, S., Books Are Weapons: The Polish Opposition Press and the Overthrow of Communism, University of Pittsburgh Press, 2017,

‘Efekty Projektu “Przywracanie zapomnianej historii”’, 14 September 2017, watch?v=TPLdZ4B62xw&t=723s.

Fast Facts. College and University Education, display.asp?id=372.

‘Kathleen McDermott about Project “Recovering Forgotten History”’, 26 August 2015,

‘Letter from Joshua Cole and Carol Symes to Participants in the 13th Conference on “Recovering Forgotten History”’, June 2015,

Łazarski, K., ‘Przywracanie zapomnianej historii: czy wizerunek Polski w świecie może być zmieniony?’, Arcana, no. 4-5/111-113, 2013.

Making Europe: People, Politics, and Culture, eds. F.L. Kidner et al., Houghton Mifflin, 2007.

Merriman, J., A History of Modern Europe: From the Renaissance to the Present, 2nd ed., Norton 2004.

Morawiecki, M., ‘List Prezesa Rady Ministrów Mateusza Morawieckiego do organizatorów konferencji “Przywracanie Zapomnianej Historii”’, 11 June 2019,

‘Prof. Andrzej S. Kamiński about “Recovering Forgotten History”’, 26 August 2015,

‘Prof. Carol Symes about Project “Recovering Forgotten History”’, 26 August 2015,

‘Prof. Curtis Murphy about the Project “Recovering Forgotten History”’, 28 August 2015,

‘Prof. David Mason about Project “Recovering Forgotten History”’, 28 August 2015,

‘Prof. Krzysztof Łazarski about Project “Recovering Forgotten History”’, 18 August 2016,

Programs for ‘Recovering Forgotten Past’, Documents of the Foundation for Civic Space and Public Policy, Warsaw.

‘Ramowy Budżet XVI Konferencji “Przywracanie zapomnianej historii” 2018’, Documents of the Foundation for Civic Space and Public Policy, Warsaw.

‘Recovering Forgotten History’, 8 October 2014,

‘Recovering Forgotten History 2019’, 13 July 2019, 8Nn6U9dCpK8.

Stearns, P.N., Western Civilization in World History, Routledge, 2003.

Stokes, G., The Walls Came Tumbling Down: Collapse and Rebirth in Eastern Europe, Oxford University Press, 1993,

Western Civilization: Their History and Their Culture, 2 vols., eds. J. Coffin et al., 17th ed., Norton, 2012.

Western Civilizations: Their History & Their Culture, 2 vols., eds. J. Cole, C. Symes, 19th ed., Norton, 2017.

‘Zestawienie pozycji kosztowych XVI konferencji “Przywracanie zapomnianej historii”’, Documents of the Foundation for Civic Space and Public Policy, Warsaw.